Southport : Original Sources in Exploration

Abydos, Part I 

W.E. Flinders Petrie


Abydos, part I, by W.E. Flinders Petrie  (Report published in 1902 by the Egypt Exploration Fund).

Chapter I-a (Sections 1-6).


INTRODUCTION.
1. Scope of the excavations .
2. The work and workers

CHAPTER I.
Objects from the Royal Tombs.
3. King Ka. Pls. i-iii .
4. King Ro. Pl.iii
5. Small inscriptions. Pls. iv-v
6. The pottery. Pls. vi-vii .
7. The Aegean pottery. Pl viii
8. The stone vases. Pls. ix, x
9. The labels, &c. Pls. xi, xii
10. The steles, &c. Pl.xiii
11. The Hints. Pis. xiv, xv .

Fig.1: Map of Egyptian sites, showing location of Abydos.

INTRODUCTION (p.1). 

1. The present volume completes the account of the objects found in the Royal Tombs of the earliest dynasties, the discoveries in which during the previous two years have appeared in the last two volumes. The account of the results of the present year's excavations covers nearly all that has been yet found in the Temenos of Osiris and the well-known cemetery; but another large part of our work is kept back for publication when completed next year. It is always difficult to decide between partial publication in sections, issued rapidly for the immediate benefit of scholars, and systematic publication delayed until every detail has been finally sifted and settled. But the worst of the bulletin system is that the student is afterwards dependent on indexes to find connected subjects; while the worst of the great book long delayed is that often the material loses value while Avaiting, and the delays may run on so that much is forgotten in the interval.  

The Temenos of Osiris I had wished to excavate since I first saw it in 1887. It was undoubtedly one of the oldest centres of worship, and had a long history to be unravelled. If it has proved so far rather different to what Avas expected, it the more corrects our ideas. But the real temple site has not yet been touched below the level of the XVIII Dynasty; and a vast deal still remains to be done there.  

The cemetery G was only worked as proved desirable in intervals of other work, and to give employment to workmen between other enterprises. Lying close behind our huts, and with scarcely any small objects of value casually found in it, such a place was an ideal resort whenever men could not be kept on elsewhere. I should hardly have worked it for its own sake alone; but as a stop-gap it proved very convenient, and fairly desirable.  

The other large work, which is not described at all in this volume, occupied half of our men, or more, all the season. About a mile south of Abydos, at the foot of the desert cliffs, I had noticed some great tombs when first visiting the ground. The temple which Mr. Maclver excavated two years ago (see the volume on El Amrah just issued) proved to belong to a king Kha-kau-ra, presumably Usertesen III, but possibly of a king of the XIII Dynasty. The temple lies on the edge of the desert, and a long causeway leads up to one of the great tombs which we have found. As probably most of next season's work will be occupied with these tombs, before they are finally cleared, it is best to leave aside the plans which have been prepared, and give a connected account of the whole site next year.  

2. Our excavators were the same gang of men and boys from Koptos who have worked lor me during many years. Indeed that gang (p.2) has served as a nucleus for all other recent excavators, as Dr. Reisner, at Girgeh, has drawn almost entirely on that centre, and the German work at Abusir has used our trained Quftis for headmen, to say nothing of the Research Account work at El Kab, which has depended on the same source. I have no doubt other places would furnish equally desirable workers, but when once a large party have been trained, they are naturally sought for elsewhere. It is needful, however, to carry on a continual weeding of old hands, as the Egyptian always becomes spoiled with prosperity; and some of the boys, as they have grown up, have come to the front line in their intelligence and conduct. We also employed over a hundred boys, from villages near the work, to do the carrying.  

Our camp was entirely fresh, as those who were with us before had all passed on to other work. Mr. Arthur Weigall came out for the first time, and proved a most successful worker. I greatly regret, for the sake of our work, that I have to congratulate him on passing on at once to a better position. He entirely superintended the men at the great southern tombs, which I only visited to give general direction to the region of work. He also looked after the close of the temenos work, and drew some of the inscriptions, the whole of which he comments on in this volume. Mr. Laurence Christie, who came for artistic copying, has done more than four plates in this volume; but most of his time was given to copying selected sculptures in the Sety temple for the Research Account.

Excavations at the Sety temple, on the same basis, were carried on by Mr. A. St. G. Caulfeild, who also took many photographs, some of which appear in this frontispiece. My wife was closely occupied with drawing nearly all the season especially on the tedious figuring of nearly four hundred flints, and the exact facsimile copies of inscriptions. My own work lay in the Temenos of Osiris, directing the diggers, levelling and recording, and general management and account keeping; for the season's work involves some 40,000 entries of small sums. I have also drawn thirty-seven of the plates here, and taken the photographs. The immediate production of a fully-illustrated bulletin of the results of a season, before the objects reach England, involves organizing all the copying on the spot; but the advantages of quick publication make it well worth while to carry out this system, as we have now done for three years.  

CHAPTER I. OBJECTS FROM THE ROYAL TOMBS (p.3).

 3. The earliest royal tomb that can yet be placed in the series is that of king Ka, which was described in the last volume (Royal Tombs II, p.7). Within the chamber were hundreds of fragments of cylindrical jars (type, pl.6, 1), some of them with cross-lined pattern copied from cordage. Such jars are well known in the later prehistoric pottery, and belong to the sequence date 78 in that scale. On many of these jars are inscriptions, roughly written in ink with a brush; and on comparing all of the fragments, I have succeeded in putting together those which are copied in plates 1, 2, and 3. They prove to be all of two formulae, one for the king, and one for his queen. And as being the oldest hieroglyphic inscriptions known, probably half-way back in the dynasty before Mena, they deserve our closest attention; they show the oldest shapes of the signs, and prove that at that age writing was so familiar that a rapid form of it was freely used to write on dozens of common pottery jars. 

On plates 1 and 2 it is seen that the whole formula was Suten Ap, the Horus Ka, followed by three strokes; and on plate 3 the second formula was Ha hemt en Horus Ka. [1] Thus, as clearly as possible, these jars are inscribed for the king Ap, whose Horus name is Ka, and for Ha, the wife of the Horus Ka. The name Ap occurs as a masculine name in the Old Kingdom, and also very commonly the form Apa: while Hay and Hayt are known as feminine names. No objection has been made to this reading, even by those who are most surprised by such grammatical writing at that age.

Plate 1: Inscriptions on jars in Tomb of King Ka-ap at Abydos (Nos. 1-13).

The meaning of the three strokes below the Horus name is not clear, and probably we shall have to wait for some better drawn inscription to explain them, as writing was so familiar to the scribe that mere indications were then enough to give the idea. There is no parallel to this group following any of the other early Horus names and, as maa kheru and neb tani both belong to far later times, we may perhaps suppose these lines to represent some steps on which the funereal stele was erected, as on the alabaster of Azab, pl.5, or the pottery marks, probably all from Azab, in Royal Tombs I, pl.46, Nos.111-155.

The signs themselves show more than is yet known about them. Observe especiallv the suten plant, which is sometimes of the later normal form, as in Nos. 4, 7, and 9; more generally it has the leaf or flower at the top like the qema or res sign of the south; and generally the root is shown as a wavy line hanging from it, see especially Nos. 1, 2, 17 19. This plant was then separate from the nen or nekheb plant, but no distinction between the suten and qema plant was yet made. Probably the use of this plant for qema or south was then in the stage of naming the kingdom, par excellence, before any other region to the north had been formally included in it : much as we should at present mean the British Isles by speaking of "the kingdom," in contrast to the far larger parts of the present kingdom in other regions.  

The inversion of the form of the Horus- or ka-name is strange. That the strokes above the arms represent a panelling, like that placed (p.4)below the name in all later examples, seems proved by their great variety, having any number of lines from two (pl.1,fig.5) to five (pl.1, figs.1; pl2, figs. 20, 23), or even thirteen strokes scratched on pottery (R.T.II, xiii); such could hardly be a hieroglyph. From later instances this panelling certainly is copied from the front of a building, tomb, or palace : so here we must take it as such, and see the space below it, which contains the sign, as equivalent to the doorway of the building. The instances scratched on pottery (R.T. II, pl.xiii) should probably all be turned, with the ka arms upwards, and the panel strokes above them. It is evident that the position of the panelling strokes was changed between the time of Ka and that of Narmer. 

Plate 2: Inscriptions on jars in Tomb of King Ka-ap at Abydos  (Nos. 14-26).

The reed a has here the separate flowers of the feathery head, as in all early examples; but they vary from three to five in number. The mat-work p has the ends all left loose, as in the seals Nos. 16, 57-60, 72, 118, 160 (R.T. I, and II.). The plant ha is like that on the Aha ebony tablet in having no base line (R.T.II, pl.10, no 2); but the base line came in at that time, as on the tablet R.T.II, pl.3, no.1, and perhaps the same on the tablet No. 3 in the same plate. The signs hem and n might belong to almost any later age.  

Thus on the whole there are but two points in which a change took place between the signs of king Ka and the general usage of two or three centuries later; the suten sign passed into two distinct forms, those for "king" and "south," a political change hardly due to hieroglyphic development, and the ka name passed from the doorway of the panelling to the space over the panels. Neither of these changes are due to immaturity in the writing; and when we thus reach back a couple of centuries before Mena without finding any marked difference, and meet with a cursive writing, it is plain that we are very tar from touching the period of its formation.  

Plate 3: Inscriptions on jars in Tombs of King Ka-ap and Queen Ha at Abydos (Nos. 27-49).

Beside the ink writing three more examples of incised writing of this same king are given, similar to those already published (R.T. II, pl.13). On pl.3, No.36 shows the tail of the hawk, part of the ka arms, and the top of the suten; 37 shows the ha arms and a sign near by which is probably a star and crescent mark like No. 605, etc. (R. T. I, pl.51); No. 38 shows that in one case, at least, the panel strokes were put below and the arms hang down, as the suten sign unquestionably shows which way up this is.  

We may here briefly note the remaining figures in pl.3. Nos. 39 - 43 are all numerical signs neatly painted in ink on alabaster jars, 39 from the tomb of king Den, 40 - 45 from the tomb of king Mersekha, but perhaps thrown over from Den or elsewhere. 44, 46, and 47 are ink writings on stone vases. 45 is ink writing on a jar from the tomb of Den; it reads sesh, and should be compared with other writing on vases R.T. I, pl.32, Nos. 34 - 37; pl.13, Nos. 57- 64; R T. II, pl.25, Nos. 13 - 27. The figure of the god Min (48), ink-drawn on a piece of slate bowl from the tomb of Khasekhemui, is the oldest drawn figure of that god. The signs on 49 are from a slate bowl of Ferabsen.  

4. When last year the names of the earliest kings were grouped together in Royal Tombs, vol. II, I did not observe the presen
ce of another name until the publication of the volume. On R.T. II, pl.13, is a sealing No. 96, of which several fragments were found; this shows the hawk on the mouth hieroglyph. Again, on R.T. I, pl.44, there are several examples (Nos. 2 to 8) of what seems to be the same group. Considering that this group is thus formally cut on a seal, and often drawn on pottery, I think we are justified in seeing in it the royal hawk and the hieroglyph r or ro, expressing the ha name of a king, Ro. All of the pottery examples come from the tomb B 1, which, with B 2, was worked by Mr. Maclver in the first year; and this accords with their giving the name of a king, incised like the other early (p.5) kings' names, Ka (pl.3, No.38, &c.) and Nar (R.T. I, pl.xliv, No.1), and belonging to the tomb of the king. These tombs B 1 and 2 are shown on the plan (R.T. II, pl.58) immediately above the name Bener-ab.  

The age of this king Ro cannot be far from that of king Ka. The position of the tomb does not indicate whether it -was before or after that of Ka. But we must observe the presence of a great jar (R.T. I, pl.39, No.2), which is usual later, but does not occur in the tomb of Ka; the style of the sealing, which is more like those of Narmer or Mena than like the very simple one known of Ka (No. 89); and the clay, which is yellow marl (heyb in Arabic) like later sealing, and not black mud like the Ka sealing. All of these details point to the order of the kings being — KA, RO, ZESEK, NARMER,  SMA  before the 1st Dynasty opens with Aha—Mena. Thus we can now tolerably restore half of even the t
en kings who reigned at Abydos before the united kingdom was established. The list on p.viii of R T. II should be thus amended.  

Plate 4: Inscriptions and artifacts from Royal Tombs at Abydos.

5. Some small inscribed objects were not photographed till they reached England, so could not be included in the previous volume. They are here given on pl.4. Figs.1 and 2 are pieces of crystal and syenite cups bearing the name of king Sma; by careful wiping with colour the hieroglyphs nebui Sma are here brought out visible. Fig.3 is a piece of ivory bracelet, which was found in the tomb B 2 by Mr. Maclver; I then supposed that it might bear the name of Aha, and in the next season the objects of Benerab clearly showed that this was one of her bracelets, with her name and that of Aha, which had strayed over from the neighbouring tomb.

Fig.4 is a fragment of a volcanic stone bowl from the tomb of 
Khasekhemui. Fig.5 is a piece of an upright cup of pink limestone, with part of a strange hieroglyph upon it which we have not met with elsewhere; it might possibly be the base of a ka name, but the crosses below are unexplained. Fig.6 is a piece of alabaster vase, with a faint inscription of Neithotep. Fig.7 is the plait of hair and piece of false fringe found in the tomb of king Zer, probably belonging to his queen, on whose arm the bracelets were found: the fringe of locks is exquisitely made, entirely on a band of hair, showing a long acquaintance with hair-work at that age. It is now in the Pitt- Rivers Museum at Oxford.

Fig.8 is an inscription on a fragment of pottery vase from the tomb of king Zer. Fig.9 is a piece of black pottery with incised patterns, belonging to the large class of such pottery known in the pre-historic age, the III and IV Dynasties and the XII and XIII Dynasties (see Naqada, xxx; Dendereh, xxi, 1; Kahun, xxvii, 199 -202; Diospolis Parva, xl, 43). The place of manufacture of this pottery is yet unknown, but it is wide-spread in the Mediterranean, as we have noticed before. Fig.10 is the edge of a bowl of quartzose metamorphosed slate; on it is carved in relief the triple twist pattern. It is accidentally inverted here, and therefore reversed in lighting. Fig.11 is a spirited drawing of a dwarf, outlined on a bowl of metamorphic rock. Fig.12 is a piece of ivory, shown also in drawing on pl.9, 2; fig.13 is a piece of ivory, with a row of heads in squares, from the tomb of Zet : fig.14 a piece of alabaster vase from the W tombs, probably of the reign of Zet.  

Plate 5: Inscriptions from Royal Tombs at Abydos (nos.1-4)

The fragments of an alabaster inscription of Azab (plate 5, No.1) were published separately before; for it was not till they came to England that I observed that the pieces fitted together, as they were found scattered in three different tombs. The inscription of Qa on volcanic ash (plate 5, No.2)was found accidentally after publishing the others from that (p.6) tomb. The gold foil of Qa (plate 5, No.3) seems to have been part of a model mat of a hotep offering, like that found at Hierakonpolis (Hierakonpolis, I, pl.20, no, 9). The great quartzite stele of king Qa (plate 5, No.4) was found on the east side of his tomb as described (R.T. I, p.15); the lower part of it had been removed by the Mission Amelineau, and was kept at the Cairo Museum; thence it has now been exchanged, and will rejoin the upper part in the Philadelphia Museum.  

6. The pottery from the Royal Tombs is given on pls. 6 and 7, in addition to that already published in R.T. I pls. 39-43. It is here classed according to the period; and the following references are given to the volumes Royal Tombs, I (R.), and the present Abydos (A.), with the number of the pottery drawing in each. The large jars begin under king Ro with two bands and a bottom ring of rope pattern (R.2); then pass on to plain bands, under Zer (A.13); next the bands come closer together, under Mersekha (R.6); further on they pass up to above the shoulder (R.7), or dwindle to a single band, under Qa (R. 5); and lastly we see the jar far smaller with a single band, under Perabsen (A.31).  

Plate 6 (above right): Pottery from Royal Tombs at Abydos (nos. 1-20) 

Some curious late variants of the wavy-handled jars come from the tomb of Mena, R.19. They are very thick, and so differ from the earlier types, though the form A.3 is like that found far earlier; the arched pattern around it is, however, certainly late. The other forms, A.5, 6, are more than half solid, and the arch pattern has sunk to two curves, or merely three finger pits. Later on under Zer, A.15, 16, these become even more formalized; but it is curious that two different forms, this one and the cylinder jar, A.1, 11, 12, were both derived from one prototype. It is explained, however, by the cylinder jar being a form influenced by approximating to the alabaster cylinder jars, which were already long in use (Diospolis Parva, p.15, pl.3); and the forms here, A. 3, 5, 6, 14, 15, 16; R.111 - 114, must be looked on as the real close of the wavy-handled type.  

Plate 7:  Pottery from Royal Tombs at Abydos (nos. 21-34)

The survival of black-topped pottery, A.9, 10, under Zer is unexpected, as few forms last beyond 60, and scarcely any after 70, sequence date. These, however, arc very different in appearance to the earlier black-topped, and are of forms unknown in the prehistoric; only the accidental blacking beneath the ashes resembles the early ware. The oval dishes, A.19, 20, are the last descendants of the oval forms so usual in the early prehistoric; and no later examples than these have been found.  

 On reaching Perabsen we find the links to the regular forms of the Old Kingdom. The form A.28, probably derived from that of Mena's age, R.110, is the parent of the type of the VI Dynasty (Dendereh, pl.16, Nos. 5, 7, 22). The hand-made pot with diagonal finger marks, A.27, is the parent of the usual pot of the III—IV Dynasty (Medum, pl.31, No.15); which in another variety (Medum, pl.31, No.19) lasted on to the VI Dynasty (Dendereh, pl.16, No.8).  

The large limestone bowl, A.33, found in the tomb of Mena, is like that of which a piece bears the name of Zet (R. T. II, pl.7, No.2). The huge pilgrim-bottle, A. 34, is probably of the XXII Dynasty.  

 


footnotes:

1. [Editor's note:]  The Royal sign representing a king, called a serekh, shows Horus the hawk seated on a rectangular sign for a palace. In this case,  the name "Ka" for the predynastic king is shown by a pair of arms (the "ka" sign) embedded in the lower part of the rectangle. The related
royal sign for "Suten" is a plant (i.e., the suten plant) placed beside the serekh, while another name of the King "Ap" is spelled out by the sign for reed "a", plus the matwork sign "p".

The sign for "ha" (i.e., the Queen's name) is a plant with three leafs at top. These examples painted on pottery from the Royal Tombs at Abydos, as Petrie points out, are among the earliest known forms of  Egyptian hieroglyphs.



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