| Southport : Original Sources in Exploration |
|
|
Travels in Egypt, Nubia, the Holy Land, and Cyprus Henry Light
|
|
|
|
|
|
Travels in Egypt, Nubia, the Holy Land, and Cyprus, by Henry Light. [1] (Published in 1818 by xxxx and Martin, London.)
Part I: (Chapters 1-3)
Chapter 1.
Alexandria—Government—Frank inhabitants—Fate of an officer of
engineers— Frank society—Police—Feast of the eve of Mahomet's
birth-day—Arab in- habitants—Departure from Alexandria—Turkish
guard-room—Journey to Rosetta—State of that town and neighbourhood.
Having a strong desire to visit Egypt and the Holy Land, as the
countries from which religion and the arts were de- rived to Europe, I
obtained leave of absence from Malta, for the purpose of gratifying my
curiosity, and embarked, on the 17th of February, 1814, attended by an
English soldier of my company, on board a vessel belonging to a Greek
(p.4) merchant, commanded by an Illyrian, with a crew of the same
nation.
Fig.1: The Mosque under Fort Cretan.
We sailed from Malta in the evening of the ]7th, and on the
26th I had the satisfaction to see the celebrated coast of Alexandria
running in a low line just above the horizon, in which Pompey's pillar
appeared rising from the water as the mast of a ship, and the Castle of
the Pharos as a rock.
An attempt had been made for the first time by the Pasha to introduce a
sjrstem of quarantine: and though our ship brought a clean bill of
health, yet, as Malta had been so lately infected, we were obliged to
hoist the yellow flag. By the influence of Mr. Lee, the British consul,
we had pratique on the 1st of March; and his kindness taught me how to
procure the best means of passing the fortnight of my stay at
Alexandria. My lodging was at a sort of inn, kept by an Italian; but
Mr. Lee's table and house were my chief resource.
Fig.2: Map of the Upper Nile from Philae at first cataract (north is at bottom).
It is useless to dwell on the antiquities of this place, which have so
often been described by travellers, and so well by Pococke and Denon. I
visited them all; and contrasted, with some feelings of melancholy, the
present abandoned and almost depopulated state of the town and
neighbourhood, with the idea I had formed of the flourishing city of
former days. Of this few vestiges remain: its extent, however,
may still be traced, even to the ruin called the Arabs' tower, fifteen
miles to the westward of the present town. One (p.5) circumstance
relative to Pompey's pillar struck me, and seems not to have been
mentioned by any preceding traveller,—that amongst the Arabs and
Syrians it. takes the name of "Awmood Issaweer." [2]
I found this city under the government of Mahommed Ah, with the title
of Pasha of Egypt, who obtained possession of it after our expedition
in 1807; previous to which it had always been considered independent of
the Pashalic, and was governed by a chief appointed by the Grand
Signor.
The present governor of Alexandria was a nephew of the Pasha, a
young man of the name of Haleel, with the title of Bey, of no
marked character; at least, in a formal visit of ceremony which I
paid him with the consul, he said nothing to show it. He was
directed in civil affairs by a dependent of the Pasha (with whom, by
the marriage of his daughter to Haleel Bey, he was connected),
named Hadjee Osman, who acted as chief of the customs; and, where
their immediate interests were not concerned, were considered to
conduct themselves equitably to the inhabitants. The number
of these had been much reduced by the plague of the
preceding year; supposed before that time to have amounted
to twelve thousand, of which seven thousand had been
carried off by it.
About twenty foreign merchants inhabit the Frank okellahs; which last
word derives from "El Kalaat," a castle, and is well applied, as they
are buildings generally of considerable size, built in a square,
enclosed by the four sides of the okellah, to which there is only one
entrance; thus the communication is quickly cut off with the town in
case of plague, and in any sudden tumult of the Mahometan population is
easily barricaded. Formerly the okellahs contained the consulates of
the foreign nations trading with Alexandria; they were held sacred by
the Turks, and afforded shelter to criminals and others who fled to
them for protection. There were only two English houses of commerce at
Alexandria. The season of the year in which I arrived was the most
agreeable to Europeans. The country outside the gate of the outer
walls, leading to Rosetta, was green as far as the lake Mareotis, and
part in the neighbourhood of Aboukir cultivated. The wild flowers
growing amongst the grass spread a delightful fragrance.
It was with sensations of pride that I traversed the ruined redoubts
erected by the French, and saw the scene of the memorable battle
of the 21st of March, where a stone still marks the spot on which Sir
Ralph Abercromby fell.
Though Alexandria contains so many Franks, yet every thing is Eastern.
Buffaloes are yoked to carts; droves of camels supply the place of
horses. The fellahs or labourers are driven to work as slaves by the
Turkish task-masters. The bazars are shaded with mats, and the shops
contain a solitary shopman, sitting cross-legged on the counter.
Numerous coffee-houses enable the idle to lounge away their time at
Eastern games, amongst which I rarely saw chess.
I found, almost as soon as I had landed in Egypt, that I might consider
my travels begun under favourable auspices; for an English ship, in
which I should have taken my passage from Malta, had not particular
circumstances prevented, had been wrecked off Lake Bourlos, and gone to
pieces almost as soon as she struck; that two or three of the
passengers and crew had been drowned, and the rest escaped on shore
with great difficulty, having lost every thing but the clothes they
wore.
The fate of an officer of engineers, of the name of Berrington, was
singular. A fatality attended him which seemed to mark him for
destruction. He had prepared himself for much research in Egypt, had
provided himself with instruments and books of every kind, had obtained
letters of recommendation to the Pasha to forward his views, and had
(p.8) seized the earliest opportunity, by the safest and best
conveyance, of leaving Malta in an English ship. Our views of travel
were different, and we had determined to go by separate ships; by which
lucky circumstance I avoided sharing his fate. He escaped with great
difficulty, having remained on board with the captain to the last
moment. They committed themselves to the waves together, and by the
help of one of the yards, succeeded in reaching the shore, after having
nearly exhausted their strength during a long struggle.
"I felt myself gradually loosening my hold," said this ill-fated
officer, "when I touched the ground with my feet; this gave my
companion and myself new vigour; we sprang forward to the beach, and
were saved." The sequel of his adventures was equally disastrous.
Having continued at Alexandria a few days, he set off for Cairo, where
he remained till after my departure for Upper Egypt, and then crossed
the desert with a caravan to Suez; during which journey he was robbed
of his provisions, and almost starved: he slept in the same tent
with persons infected with the plague, of whom two died in the night of
that disorder. On arriving at Suez, he met with such obstacles to his
farther progress, that he returned almost immediately by another
caravan to Cairo: this was overtaken in the desert by the simoom winds,
whose violence caused the death of many of the caravan, but which he
luckily escaped. On his return to Cairo, the plague raged violently;
and, (p.9) though constantly exposed to it, he left that city in
health. He returned to Alexandria, where he embarked on board a Turkish
vessel for Malta. In this passage the elements were again opposed to
him—his ship was driven by contrary winds to the coast of the Morea,
where he landed; traversed the country to the coast opposite Zante, in
the hot season of the year; caught its prevalent fever, of which he
died at Zante, after a short illness.
The Frank [French] society at Alexandria holds a medium between Eastern
and European manners; visits are always ended by the introduction of
coffee, which the visitor is to consider as a hint that it is time for
him to go. The carnival is celebrated, balls are given, and I found
coteries and commerages usual in confined circles. The meals are taken,
as in the southern climates of Europe, at mid-day, and followed by a
supper at nine o'clock. The supply of wine was precarious, though the
distance between the Greek islands and Alexandria is so short. The only
wine I tasted there was the commonest red Cyprus, bitter and
disagreeable. Its import is checked by the heavy duty laid on it by the
Pasha.
The peace and order of the city are improved by its change of masters,
owing to the strictness and severity of the Pasha. Crimes and
punishments seemed to be rare; the only instance of capital punishment
that had lately occurred was in an Arab, who possessed a garden among
the ruins of the (p.10) Arab village; he had been in the habit of
decoying people, particularly women, into his garden, as a place of
intrigue; and, with the help of a female, contrived to surprise and
strangle them: this continued for some months; many inhabitants were
missed, and he was suspected. He was, at last, induced, from fear of
discovery, to murder his accomplice, which led to his conviction: he
was hanged, as is usual, by a rope thrown over the walls attached to
his neck, and then drawn up by the Arab population of the town.
A young Levantine, who had been secretary to Elfi Bey, and seized at
the time of the massacre of the Mamelouks, but escaped by the
protection of the favourites of the Pasha, observed to me, that the
government of Alexandria, previous to its being in the possession of
the present Pasha, had been under a military governor and cadi: the
former supreme; the latter bought his place at Constantinople from some
slave of the seraglio, through merchants to whom it was first disposed
of; who might be Christians, but were obliged to sell the office to a
Mahometan. The customs had been in the hands of a Christian, who acted
as captain of the port, and chief custom-house officer. At present,
law-suits between natives and Levantines not under the protection of
consuls, were settled by the cadi. Franks had their disputes arbitrated
by their respective consuls: law-suits between natives and Franks
were settled by mutual appeal to cadi and consul.
In cases (p.11) of capital punishment, the military governor awarded
it. Witnesses, or confession of the fact, were necessary for
conviction: the latter was often extorted by the bastinado on the soles
of the feet, inflicted with thongs of hide twisted with metal, and the
hand drawn back in giving the blow, by which the flesh was lacerated.
For slight offences the cadi had the power of ordering the bastinado on
the back with the palm-branch: both punishments were generally
inflicted at night. Death to the natives was by hanging. The military
were either decapitated, or thrown into the sea in a sack.
The third of March, celebrated as the eve of the prophet's birth-day,
was a grand festival of the Mahometans. I accompanied Mr. Lee, and the
male part of his family, at night, round the bazars, that were
illuminated by the common eastern lamp, formed of a small tumbler,
partly filled with water, on which a sufficient quantity of oil is
poured, and in the centre of which is fixed the lighted wick. The
shops, except those selling sherbet, were all cleared of their wares,
fitted up with boards, on which were carpets and cushions, level with
the windows. They were filled with groups of Arabs and Turks, in their
best dresses. The greatest tranquility reigned. The variety of costume,
the gravity of the company, which was not at all disturbed by our
presence amongst them, and the theatrical appearance of (p.12) the
shops, resembling the boxes in a place of public exhibition, united to
render this an interesting spectacle. Sherbet, coffee, and pipes
supplied the place of conversation; and the only attempt at mirth or
fun was in the person of an Arab buffoon, who ran about from one shop
to another, having his head covered by a large mask made of mat, from
which three horns projected, two at the sides, and one from the upper
part of the scull. He collected money in this way; and taxed our
generosity, without returning thanks, only proclaimed aloud the sum
given, and then bounded away.
The Arab inhabitants of Alexandria, as well as of other towns I visited
in Egypt, are distinguished from the Turks by the turban, which rises
perpendicularly with the head of the former, whilst that of the Turk
projects over the forehead. The fellahs or labourers were submissive
even to Franks, whose superiority they seemed to acknowledge. The few
beggars I saw were in great misery: when they received charity
they generally kissed the gift, then pressed it to their hearts; a
style of thanks more expressive than any reply.
The Mahometan women were generally veiled in white linen or cloth; the
face covered, except at the eyes. If un- married, they wore a red scull
cap. The Levantine women wore a black hood, and went equally veiled.
Having remained at Alexandria long enough to complete a panoramic view
from the top of the consul's house, (p.13) I obtained asses to convey
myself, servant, and baggage to the cut at Lake Mareotis and Aboukir,
and left it early on the morning of the 15th of March. The division
between the two lakes is repaired, and an attempt made to prevent the
passage of the water into the first mentioned lake: but the measures
taken by the Turks were insufficient; the sea still passed through, and
forms an expanse of shallow water, which the evaporation by the sun
changes into salt, of which great quantities are collected on the
banks. The causeway separating the two lakes is defended by a single
gun; and a guard under a Booluc Bashee, answering to the rank of
sergeant, stationed near it in a wooden building half in ruins; where,
as there were no boats ready to take me to Lake Etko, I passed the day
and ensuing night.
The canal of Alexandria runs near the cut: and it seemed very possible
to render it navigable, by which means a communication with the Nile at
Rahmanie might be obtained, which would preclude the necessity of
encountering the dangerous Boghaz of Rosetta.
As night approached, the dews began to fall; and the air became cold
enough to induce me to accept the invitation of the Booluc Bashee to
enter the guard-room, where I was witness to the rude hospitality and
amusements of the soldiers. There was evidently more system in their
mirth than amongst men of the same class in England; and had I been
able to (p.14) understand their language, I should doubtless have been
more amused than I was.
The apartment into which I was introduced was about twelve feet square,
carpeted, and on the sides were suspended the arms of the soldiers.
From the ceiling hung a single lamp of the sort before described: it
threw a dim light on the faces of seven or eight fierce looking
Albanians, each reclining on a cushion, smoking, or playing at a game
that seemed to be a favourite; while one of the party repeated verses
in a hoarse recitative, accompanying himself on a three-string guitar.
The game, of which I have forgotten the name, consisted of a number of
coffee-cups, arranged with their mouths downwards on a small tray in
certain parts, expressing numbers, in all amounting to a hundred: under
one of these cups a ring was hid; each of the party in his turn guessed
where it was, and the game was won when the number one hundred was
completed. The musician seemed to direct the game, addressed his song
particularly to the person who was guessing, and honoured his success
by a song of praise, after having marked his forehead with the bottom
of one of the cups, blackened in the smoke of the lamp. The whole was
accompanied with laughter, jests, and uproar. As soon as it was
finished, the musician began a recitative of abuse against one of the
other soldiers, who seemed prepared to answer, and replied in the same
strain, answering each (p.15) other in regular dialogue; which recalled
to my mind the classic pastoral still copied in Sicily and Calabria in
the rude language of the peasantry.
Coffee was introduced in the interim, and I was favoured by having the
pipe of each of the party presented to me in succession; a compliment I
could willingly have dispensed with, as I was obliged to apply my lips
to the mouth-piece of the pipe, hot from the gums of the person who
offered it me. Other games of gross mirth, bordering on indecency,
followed: I thought it time to retire to a ruined apartment which
was given up to me, having declined the offer to sleep in the
guard-room. I made ample return for the civility shown me, by
presenting the party with a bottle of brandy, which was eagerly drunk
by all except one, whose countenance, very handsome, bespoke much more
mildness than the others, and who had previously surprised me by
getting up in the midst of all the mirth and noise that occurred, to
perform his devotions in presence of the party; a circumstance which
did not occasion any remark. The word "bataal" (blockhead) was applied
to him by one of the most dissolute, when he refused to partake of the
brandy.
On the 16th I embarked early in the morning for Etko, a village at the
eastern extremity of the lake of that name, remarkable at a distance
for an apparent neatness: I even thought it had a resemblance to an
English village situated on a gentle ascent; but, on a nearer approach,
its minarets (p.16) and mosques, to the memory of sheiks and santons,
drove away the agreeable delusion. The lake had the muddy appearance of
a river; all its landing-places were so shallow, that it was necessary
to wade to the shore, to which I was carried for thirty yards on the
shoulders of an Arab boatman. The banks of the lake were covered with
palm-trees, growing in thick plantations from a sandy soil: no verdure
appeared, except in front of Etko.
We skirted the lake for an hour through groves of palm, till we left it
for the desert, where a solitary palm-tree once or twice showed itself
amongst hills of sand, and where the charity or devotion of some Arab
generally left a pitcher of water for the thirsty and wearied
passenger. This slight specimen of the desert gave me a tolerable idea
of what the journey must be across larger portions of it. Our road lay
through a succession of ascents and descents of loose sand, into which
our animals sunk to their knees at each step. We continued thus till we
arrived at a plain near Rosetta, where the mirage deceived me, as it
has done other travellers, by the resemblance to water; but our journey
was rendered less troublesome as the sand was firmer. At half past
three we came in sight of Rosetta, and at five got to the grove of
palms near the walls, which springs up amidst hills of sand, and was
pointed out as the spot where the English detachment under general
Wauchop took up its position. I confess I felt no raptures at the
sudden (p.17) appearance of the Nile, Rosetta, and its neighbourhood;
for, though on entering the town and arriving at the river, the eye is
much gratified by the opposite shores of the Delta, and the change from
desert to cultivation, yet the traveller will look in vain for the
paradise of Denon, Savary, and Sonini.
Rosetta still has a few European inhabitants: it is a considerable
place; and being the point of communication between Cairo and
Alexandria, had some appearance of trade. Its aga acted as chief of the
customs, and prided himself as having commanded at Rosetta during our
unfortunate attack on that town.
The desert approached close to the shores of the Nile; a few gardens,
and the continuation of the palm-grove above mentioned, are all that
separates it from that river. A village on the opposite shore of the
Delta gave me but a miserable idea of the state of the inhabitants. A
few straggling houses and a half-clothed population first met my view.
The high state of cultivation for which this part of Egypt has been
celebrated consisted in ground laid out for rice, with tracts of clover
and radish allowed to run to seed amongst plantations of palm-trees.
The peasantry seemed too much sunk in apathy to notice me, and rather
shunned me as I approached to ask them questions.
The island of Sarshes, opposite Rosetta, has seldom been (p.18)
mentioned. I crossed to it, and found a fruitful tract of land covered
with corn, still green, of about a mile and a half in length: a few
peasants had their hovels amongst some palm-trees. It had been employed
as a lazaretto before the last plague, and kept it off for some time;
but a detachment of Turks, who had been landed there to perform
quarantine, grew impatient of their restraint, broke from it, and
communicated the plague which had so lately ravaged the population of
Rosetta.
The Pasha had large magazines of corn and rice there, and seemed to be
the chief promoter of the commerce of the place, though all the consuls
had agents: that for France was a Frenchman, the others were
Levantines or Italians. The only English merchant who had lately
arrived, was so little pleased with his speculations and with the
difficulties he encountered, that I believe he soon after abandoned the
place. It was against the interest of the Pasha's agents to allow any
person to establish himself in a considerable way.
CHAPTER II. (p.19)
Departure for Cairo—Mode of conveyance—Scenery of the Nile—Arrival at
Boolac—Interview with the Kaya Bey of the Pasha—History of the latter—
Attempt at revolution by Latif Pasha—Summary punishment of Turkish
soldiers.
Fig.3: Water wheel and mokots.
I left Rosetta on the 18th, in a boat which I hired to carry me to
Cairo; and having obtained a pass from the aga, to prevent the Turks
from seizing it for the service of the Pasha (a common practice on the
Nile), I sailed in the evening. The first sensations in the progress up
the river are certainly very agreeable. An European finds himself in a
new region; (p.20) a shore lined with palm-trees, mosques, and the
tombs of sheiks, meet the eye at every opening; combined with the
creaking of water-wheels (fig.3), the peculiar manner in which the natives
raise water when they have not wheels, to irrigate the land, interest
him for a long time; but the sameness will at last tire. It is one
unvaried scene from Rosetta to Cairo, which at my departure was
heightened by a glowing sun-set. My boat had a covering of mats on some
palm-branches, arched over one end of it. I was able to place my bed at
the bottom, and lay down during the night, which was passed at anchor
near the shore; but the numerous rats that infested me prevented the
possibility of sleep. I had not yet accustomed myself to these constant
attendants of a traveller on the Nile. The heavy dews which fell
surprised me; for although the heavens were clear of fog, yet my
clothes were almost wet through. The difference of the heat of the day
and cold of the night was very trying, and I found the effects of this
change almost immediately on my eyes.
The various villages which I passed were well peopled. Numerous
passengers on horses, asses, and camels, skirted the shores of the
Nile. Though provisions appeared to me a mere drug, from their great
comparative cheapness with those of the countries I had left, yet
beggars were every where to be seen, even when the necessaries of life
were fully supplied for six or seven paras, of which forty make
eightpence.
The dreadful malady (p.21) of blindness was common, and every third or
fourth peasant seemed to have a complaint in his eyes. This and the
plague are the chief diseases; I heard of nothing else; and there was
always resignation to both. The latter, according to the opinion of the
common Arabs, with whom I spoke on the subject of precaution against it
by quarantine, was a necessary evil, to prevent the population from
being more than could be fed.
On the 22d of March, I arrived at Boolac; and went to Colonel Missefs,
the British consul-general, to whose kindness I was indebted for every
assistance in my further progress up the Nile, and in whose house I
remained while in that part of Egypt.
I will not add to the numberless descriptions of Cairo. Each year takes
away from its population, and adds to its ruins; nothing is repaired
that grows old: but still it is an extraordinary city, where,
from the circumstance of its being the point of union from all parts of
the south and west, is presented an active and crowded scene.
Whilst Cairo [3] appears neglected, Boolac, its port, increases.
New houses (p.22) are built by merchants, to which they retire for
change of air from Cairo; some of them are large, particularly that
-which Colonel Misset inhabited: it had a garden attached to it;
but, considering the excessive cheapness of provisions, the rent was
higher in proportion than in Europe.
The town of Boolac, called the port of Cairo, from being situated on
the river, is the place where all the boats that trade with Cairo are
moored, and is distant from it about a mile and a half: it contains the
naval arsenal and dock-yard of the Pasha, the custom-house, and
government warehouses. Amongst (p.23) the vessels building, whose
number surprised me there were several gun-boats of large size.
I had become an inmate in Colonel Misset's house, was introduced to his
family; which consisted of himself, Major Vincenzo Taburno, whose name
and history has been given by Mr. Hamilton, and is well known to the
officers who served in Egypt, who acted as military secretary of the
mission; and Mr. Thurburn, private secretary to Colonel Misset, with
whom they joined in furthering my views of travel.
The Pasha was not in Egypt: my letters of introduction were presented
to the Kaya Bey, or prime minister, who offered me a government boat
and guard of soldiers, to ensure the safety of my intended expedition
on the Nile; which however I declined, as I preferred travelling in a
private manner to the inconvenience of being so constantly surrounded
by Turks.
My interview with the Kaya Bey took place in the divan of the citadel,
where he sat daily to receive petitions, and administer the affairs of
the country. I noticed a suite of apartments, filled with Albanian
soldiers, through which I passed to enter the divan, where the Kaya Bey
was examining some black slaves who were brought for his inspection:
such an employment for a prime minister could not but surprise an
Englishman. The grouping of the party present was admirable: the rich
and varied dresses, the warlike (p.24) appearance of the attendants,
their mute attention, the proud superiority of the chief, round whom
the subordinate beys seemed to crouch with abject submission, rivetted
my attention. I found myself amongst barbarians, who lived only by the
breath of the man to whom I was introduced, who in his turn preserves
the same sort of abject submission to the will of the Pasha. Fifteen
hundred thousand inhabitants of Egypt felt the influence of a single
despot; and from the accounts I obtained whilst there, they seemed to
be in the same state to which the policy of Joseph reduced the people
of Pharaoh.
Previous to my progress up the Nile, it is fit to give some account of
the state of this country, which had within a few years undergone
several revolutions, and of late a total change of government.
At the time of the arrival of the French under Buonaparte, the
government of Egypt rested in the hands of two Mamelouk chiefs, Ibrahim
and Mourad Bey, who, on the death of the treacherous and cruel
Mohammed, successor to Ali [5], after having made several fruitless
attempts to destroy each other, agreed to divide the country between
them; and Egypt, though not free from oppression, was at least
tranquil.
The arrival (p.23) of Buonaparte changed its state; the power of the
Mamelouks was fatally reduced, and, in spite of the English arms,
having expelled the French army, it was fated they should no longer
preserve their dominion in Egypt. The treaty which gave the country to
the Turks, in 1800, is well known; and from that time, till the present
Pasha usurped the Pashalic, it has been constantly subject to
revolutions.
The unsettled state of the distant parts of the Turkish empire presents
tempting opportunities to ambitious adventurers. The Ali of Albania is,
perhaps, equalled by the Ali of Egypt. The history of the former is
well known, and a short one of the latter has been given in Mr. Legh's
work. The few particulars which I add relative to Mahommed Ali, the
present Pasha of Egypt, may be interesting. They were commonly talked
of at Cairo, and I relate what I heard.
When the evacuation of Egypt by the English army, at the time of our
first expedition, took place, in the month of August 1801, the Captain
Pasha of the Turkish fleet nominated the Pasha left in the country,
under whom was placed a creature of the Grand Visir as Tefterdar or
treasurer, who was an enemy to the Captain Pasha and his adherents;
which naturally produced a misunderstanding, ending in the deposition
of the Pasha, who took refuge in the fort of Damietta, where the late
lamented Captain Hayes, of the engineers,(p.26) assisted in its
defence; and from that circumstance excited the resentment of the
prevailing party, by which he was afterwards supposed to have been
poisoned.
On the surrender of the fort, the Pasha either escaped, or was sent off
to Constantinople; the troops elected another, who, after a reign of
twenty-two days, was assassinated, and another chosen, who retained his
authority for some time, made head against the increasing power of the
Mamelouks, and drove them into Upper Egypt, where they had Girgeh for
their limit.
Previous to this, Mahommed Ali had contrived to conceal his ambitious
views, and had been continued in the command of his troops, neither
exciting the suspicion nor losing the confidence of the leaders. He
derived his origin from Thrace, became a soldier in the army of the
Grand Signor; and, from his good conduct, was raised to the rank of
Bern Bashee, answering to that of colonel with Europeans. He and his
followers formed part of the army of the Grand Visir in Egypt, in aid
of ours against the French; after whose expulsion he remained under the
first Pasha.
Without possessing the slightest rudiments of education, Mahommed Ali
had great natural talents. He was a politician of the school of
Machiavel, complete master of dissimulation, in common with most of the
Turks, whose gravity and self-command, when any end is to be gained,
seem to increase with their rank: cool and designing, he found himself
in a (p.27) country presenting a fair field for his ambition, which he
determined to push to its utmost. The first Pasha was expelled by a
second, who, as I said before, was assassinated, and a third chosen.
Mahommed had not yet shown himself: he had followed the stream, and
willingly submitted to his new masters. The last Pasha made him
commander of the troops, intrusted him with the expedition against the
Mamelouks, and thus paved the way for his advancement; for, in his
situation as general, he gained the love of the army, by moderation and
attention to the wants of the soldiers; he was feared by them, for
resolute conduct in cases of disobedience. The subordinate chiefs knew
that the reigning Pasha had no one to support his authority but
Mahommed xlli, and that the former had not shown any great talents to
merit their confidence.
In this state of affairs, Mahommed Ali was sent against the Mamelouks.
The time had arrived for him to accomplish his designs; he explained
them to his friends, who gave him encouragement; the Mamelouks were
checked; he returned then towards Cairo, having first assumed the title
of Pasha. He was met on his way by a body of troops belonging to his
former master, sent to oppose him on the first news of his revolt, who
soon ranged themselves under his standard: thus strengthened, he
hastened to Cairo, where the reigning Pasha, after a short resistance
in the citadel, surrendered; and was allowed to quit (p.28) Egypt, with
his treasure and family—a trait of humanity rarely to be met with
amongst Turks. The first step of Mahommed Ali was to free himself from
all those chiefs who might hereafter become his rivals, permitting them
to quit the country with their wealth unmolested. His threats or
persuasions soon left him without a competitor, and surrounded only by
his immediate dependants and relations. His next step was to form an
alliance with the Mamelouks, to whom he entirely abandoned the upper
part of Egypt, as far as Girgeh.
Alexandria was not a part of the Pashalic, being governed by a chief
sent from Constantinople. It was an essential object to the Pasha's
commercial designs to obtain it. The arrival of the English under
General Fraser, and the subsequent treaty, gave it to him. His
attention was now divided between war and commerce. The war in Spain
and Portugal brought him an immense revenue from the exportation of
corn, and enabled him to carry on a war against the Wahabbees. The
trade in corn through Alexandria re- mained entirely in the hands of
the Pasha's agents; who finding such considerable profits from it,
imagined that all other trade might be monopolised by their master, who
would thus command the purses of foreigners. Our successes in Spain
having lessened the demand for corn, his monopoly had effect contrary
to his hopes; and there was a general (p.29) stagnation of trade, which
has since begun to circulate, from other measures being pursued. Though
the correspondence of the Mamelouks with our commanders was not unknown
to the Pasha, jet as the time was not favourable for showing his
resentment, he waited for an opportunity to crush them, and to
establish himself securely in his government by their destruction.
The Wahabbees, a new enemy, had sprung up to alarm him. They had shown
themselves as a sect of puritan Mahometans at Daria, in the interior of
Arabia Petrea, in 1775; where they established a considerable power,
began to spread their arms and tenets from the Red Sea to the
Euphrates, and were now menacing Egypt, after having seized on Mecca,
Medina, and Yemen. It was the interest of the Mamelouks to join in
resisting these formidable enemies: they were invited from Girgeh, in
Upper Egypt, to Gizeh, nearly opposite Cairo, and a new treaty made, by
which they were to send a body of fifteen hundred cavalry to Cairo, to
march with the Pasha's army, to recover the holy cities above
mentioned, to repel the Wahabbees, and ensure the safety of Egypt. Nine
hundred Mamelouks marched into the citadel, six hundred remained at
Gizeh, the remainder began their march to Upper Egypt. Their forces
thus divided, they presented an easy conquest. Orders were given for
the indiscriminate massacre of every Mamelouk: the (p.30) whole fifteen
hundred were destroyed in one morning, and the army that had been
assembled under the pretence of marching against the Wahabbees, were
immediately sent in pursuit of the Mamelouks, who were followed beyond
Ibrim in Nubia, and their numbers reduced to about eleven hundred; who,
under Ibrahim Bey, retired to Dongola, where they conquered a territory
from the petty chiefs of the country on the west bank of the Nile [6].
The Pasha judged it expedient to leave them there unmolested, satisfied
with his success; though, according to the opinion of some of his
friends, impolitic in not totally exterminating them before he turned
his thoughts to any new war.
The whole of Egypt being thus under one master, it was divided into a
certain number of provinces and districts. Upper Egypt was put under
the eldest son of the Pasha, who first had the title of BeyT, and
afterwards of Pasha of two tails; Gizeh, Alexandria, and Faioum, under
beys; Rosetta, Damietta, Damanhour, under agas; the districts under
cashiefs; and villages under caimacams.
The war against the Wahabbees was carried on by the Pasha with all the
activity of an European general: he drove them (p.31) from their
conquests on the Red Sea, retook Medina, Mecca, and Yemen; and for this
service was finally acknowledged by the Grand Signor, to whom he sent
the keys of the captured cities; the possession of which by an enemy,
according to the Mahometan faith, absolved the followers of the Prophet
from their allegiance to the Grand Signor, as head of their religion.
Though this sovereign expressed outwardly such a sense of the
importance of the service done by the Pasha, as to swear by the Prophet
that he would continue his sons in the Pashalic of Egypt for three
generations; yet it is supposed he secretly encouraged an attempt to
create a revolution at Cairo, by the help of the person who was
commissioned by the Pasha to lay the keys of the cities he had
conquered at the feet of the Grand Signor. This man, the spurious
offspring of a Turk and an African, was named Latif, and was a
favourite slave of Mahommed Ali: like many other Mahometans, he had
faith in astrology, and had been made to believe that he should become
Pasha of two tails, which title was actually conferred on him at
Constantinople.
When preparing for his return from thence, he was reminded of the
vulgar tradition, which doomed the country to the power of a slave; and
was encouraged in his views by the Porte. On his arrival at Cairo, in
consequence of some defeat the Pasha had met with from the Wahabbees,
he promoted a rumour of his death, and listened to the (p.32)
declaration of a professed soothsayer, who induced him to pretend that
he was called by fate to the government of Egypt. Having seduced a few
followers, with promises of pay and rations, he assumed the title of
Pasha of Egypt: but his designs had been discovered, and measures taken
by the Kay a Bey to crush them as soon as put in execution. After a
short resistance, he was taken in his harem and strangled: the
poor soothsayer was rewarded by being tied up in a sack and thrown into
the Nile. No other execution took place; every thing remained quiet,
and proved the firmness with which the government was established, this
being the first and only attempt made by any dependant towards a
revolution.
The war of the Wahabbees, though begun with such brilliant success, did
not continue favourable to the arms of the Pasha: new hordes
advanced against him; every victory diminished his array, which was
recruited with great difficulty. The inhabitants of the desert, inured
to long and speedy marches, capable of supporting every fatigue in
their burning sands, satisfied with the coarsest and scantiest food,
were formidable enemies to the Turkish soldiers; who, accustomed to the
plenty of Cairo, required constant supplies of necessaries from Egypt,
which the shores of the Red Sea could by no means afford them. The
convoys were often cut off by the activity of the Wahabbees, who, ever
on the (p.33) alert, came down in large bodies, when the smallness of
the Turkish force ensured success.
The Porte, disappointed in its hopes of shaking the Pasha's power by
revolution, tried to prevent his obtaining recruits from Europe and
Asia Minor, and for a long time prohibited any from leaving those
countries; in consequence of which, Arabs, Copts, and even negroes were
enrolled, to enable him to sustain himself in his possessions on the
Red Sea. Money, too, began to fall short: our successes in Spain
prevented so great a demand for corn, supposed at one time an
inexhaustible source of wealth. New modes of obtaining money were
adopted; all the land of Egypt was at once considered the property of
the divan. It was portioned off to the different villages, overseers
stationed to be answerable for its cultivation, the produce divided
into a certain number of parts, of which one fifth remained to the
community, and the rest was at the disposal of the Pasha: the same
demands were made in bad as in good seasons. A temporary relief was
thus given to the government, which was supposed would end in its final
ruin. The specie that entered the country was seized as the property of
government, which in return paid the nominal value in Egyptian
piastres, that diminished in value, during my residence of six months
in Egypt, in the proportion of one in seven: having received, on my
arrival, only seven and a quarter; and, on my (p.34) departure, eight
and a half, for the Spanish dollar. The dollars thus exchanged were
coined into base money of ten or twelve piastres, which gave an
immediate command of currency to an immense amount.
The subsequent success of the Pasha had only enabled him to keep the
shores of the Red Sea free from the Wahabbees, against whom he had in
vain attempted to wage an offensive war. He was obliged to remain with
his troops in Arabia; and had absented himself so long from Cairo,
that, at the time of my preparing to leave the country, his friends
almost despaired of his return: this, however, has since taken
place.
Though the Pasha monopolised trade, yet he protected traders:
Christians were no longer at the mercy of Mussulmen, nor could the
Turkish soldier insult the "Giaour" with impunity. His summary mode of
punishment, on an occasion I shall relate, had at once put a stop to
the inclination of the Turkish soldier to tyrannise over the Franks.
Two merchants were riding on mules towards Fostak (Old Cairo) when they
were met by a couple of armed Albanians', on their way to a large
barrack between Fostak and Cairo: they stopped the Franks, obliged them
to dismount, and proceeded, without any ceremony, mounted on their
mules. Unfortunately for the soldiers, the Pasha overtook the
merchants, who were returning home in the heat of the day on (p.35)
foot; and knowing them to be men who never walked, asked the reason why
they were on foot; and being told what had happened, rode off
immediately to the barracks, where he found out the offenders; and,
without any ceremony, had their heads instantly struck off. The effect
of this was, that the Franks were never after molested.
CHAPTER III.
Voyage up the Nile to Assuan—Arab superstitions—Cultivation of sugar,
and process of extracting the juice—Arrival at Siout, character of Kaya
Bey, of Ibrahim Pasha—Commerce in slaves—Gelabs of Sennaar—Coptish
account- ants -Manner of making chaff—Crocodiles—Girgeh—Thebes—Ombos—
Elephantina, scenery of—Assuan.
Fig.4: Mokots at Siout [Asyut].
It was now the beginning of April; my information encouraged me to
expect no great difficulties in my travels from the state of the
country. I had obtained sufficient knowledge of the vulgar Arabic, to
begin my course up the Nile without an interpreter; and accordingly,
with the assistance of (p.37) Major Taburno, I procured a boat of
about twelve or fourteen tons, belonging to a respectable Arab Rais,
large enough to admit of my having a temporary cabin constructed on its
half-deck, composed of palm-branches covered with a double set of mats,
under which I had room for a wicker sofa for my bed, a small camp table
and chair, my baggage, a provision of biscuit, and a Keenah jar, to
filter the Nile water [7]. I wore the European dress, and sometimes my
uniform. My servant's bed was laid at the foot of mine, and separated
by a mat; our arms suspended over our heads. On the 4th of April, I
left Boolac, provided with a strong firman from the Kaya Bey, which
contained an order to the Turkish chiefs to treat me as one of the
family of the Pasha; and a bill of exchange on the treasury of Siout,
for a supply of money.
My crew (p.38) consisted of the Rais, five men, and a boy, the youngest
son of the Rais. We proceeded up the river, when the wind served, by
sailing; when it failed, the crew towed; when it was contrary, we
moored. The river was at its lowest, the season of the year the
hottest; and I was exposed to the Kamseen winds, which at times blew
with a heat of 108 Farenheit in the shade, and even close to the river
seemed to affect all animal life [8].
I had often occasion to notice the activity of the boatmen in lifting
the boat from the shallows of the river, by which the course was
constantly impeded; and was surprised that men, who at other times were
all apathy and indolence, seemed to think nothing of exerting their
bodily strength in a manner that few Europeans would be inclined to
attempt.
The scenery of the Nile is too regularly uniform to please for a
continuation; but my first outset from Boolac left agreeable
impressions on my mind. The banks of the Nile, as far as Gizeh, were
covered with houses and trees: different islands intercepted the
stream: Rauda seemed a large garden: the ruins of the
Nilometer appeared close to a picturesque harem of the Pasha: the
pyramids of Gizeh and Sacarra successively showed themselves on the
rising ground of the west; whilst on the east, the range of the
Mokattam, on that side of the Nile, rose high behind Cairo, whose lofty
light-coloured minarets were relieved by large precipitous masses of
the sandy rock of the mountain, in which numerous holes evinced the
existence of ancient tombs.
My progress up the Nile (p.39) continued slowly; it was the 7th of May
before I arrived at Assuan, although I rarely stopped except from
necessity, restraining my inclination to visit the antiquities of this
part till my return. In the course of this time, I had some trials of
temper, a few privations and inconveniences: but I was rarely insulted;
nor was I often persecuted by the curiosity of the natives, who rather
treated me with respect. The Rais was a respectable Hadjee, whose
youngest and eldest sons were on board with him: the former, a
boy of seven or eight years old, was treated with patriarchal fondness,
and shared all the good his father possessed, in exclusion of the
elder.
In some villages I was able to assist the sick by medicines and advice;
in others, I added to the catalogue of charms [9] by writing Arabic
sentences in praise of God and the Prophet, at the request of the
villagers: these, placed in the turban, or hung round the neck,
were to preserve the wearer from the evil angel.
In one village (p.40), called Abou Gaziz, I was requested by a party of
women to hold my drawn sword on the ground, whilst they went through
the ceremony of jumping across it, with various ridiculous motions, to
correct the well known Eastern curse of barrenness [10]; and was
rewarded by blessings and offerings of Durra cake. At Gibbe] Atteer,
where the Mokattam closes on the Nile, and gives a high range of rocks
to confine its course on the west bank, I was surprised by the descent
of one of the Copts inhabiting a monastery on the summit, by a rope,
into the Nile: he swam after the boat, demanded charity, retired, and
was drawn up again in a bucket. A little higher up the Nile than this,
and in the district of Minict, the sugar-cane is chiefly
cultivated: it appeared the season for reaping and planting it;
both of which, as well as the process of expressing the juice, I saw on
the same day, the 12th of April. -
The canes were cut in my presence, part used for the juice and part for
planting: the latter was performed by digging furrows (p.41) five or
six inches deep, in which were placed horizontally portions of the
sugar-cane, consisting of six or seven joints; they were then covered
with earth, and constantly watered by the water of the Nile,
communicated by means of chan- nels, into which it was raised by wheels
or by buckets; and in a short time each joint sends forth a shoot,
which becomes a sugar-cane, and during the inundation of the Nile
remains covered with water.
I found, from one of the overseers, that the same ground cannot be
planted every year. Each feddan [11] of earth thus planted ought to
produce five cantars [12] of sugar.
The method of expressing the juice is very simple. The mill is composed
of two rollers, serving as axle-trees to two vertical wheels moved by a
horizontal one on the top, sup- ported by two upright posts, having a
transverse one, on the centre of which the horizontal wheel moves: this
is set in motion by one or more buffaloes, yoked at the end of a long
lever connected with the centre of the horizontal wheel.' Under the
rollers is a reservoir to receive the juice: a man sits between the two
upright posts, within reach of a load of sugar-canes, which he places
by seven or eight at a time between the rollers. The juice thus
expressed is a sweet yellowish water; which being boiled, the sugar is
extracted in (p.42) the shape of molasses.
This is again refined coarsely, and made into small loaves of about
three pounds weight, of a sparkling open grain, very sweet, inclined to
the colour of Lisbon sugar.
In the village of Abadie, the inhabitants of which are all Copts, and
where no Mahometan dare reside, from superstitious reverence to
tradition, which foretells the death of the Mahometan who shall attempt
to do so; the villagers were unwilling to believe I was a Christian,
from hearing me profess it was not a part of my creed to hate the
Mahometans. This principle of hatred seems the only one the priests
could instil into the minds of these Christians; who, from all
accounts, are a worse race than any of their Mussulmen neighbours.
In this part of Egypt tobacco was chiefly cultivated, though common all
over Upper Egypt; and grew to the height of four or five feet. I
observed many of the peasantry pluck the leaves from the standing
plant, dry them in the sun, and then use them in their pipes instead of
the tobacco regularly cured.
I was obliged to remain at Siout two days (the 19th and 20th of April)
to obtain additional firmans for passing into Nubia, and to procure
money sufficient for the journey. I had brought a letter of
introduction to Signor Scotto, a Genoese, who filled the station of
physician to Ibrahim Pa- sha, the eldest son of Mahommed Ali, who ruled
in Upper (p.43) Egypt. This Pasha was absent on an expedition against
the Arabs of the Western Desert; but his Kaya Bey acceded to my Avishes
for further letters of protection, to proceed beyond the cataracts. He
may be considered as having European ideas with respect to women:
he had no pleasure in the society of such as the customs of the East
obliged him to immure in a harem; and was the first, perhaps, who had
honesty enough to confess, that the love of a woman preserved by bolts
and bars from temptation was hardby worth having. He ruled with
absolute sway during the absence of Ibrahim. His chief employment
seemed to be to enrich his master at the expense of the Egyptians. I
met at his divan Arabs from Cairo, who gave me the sign of freemasonry.
The town of Siout, now made the capital of Upper Egypt, instead of
Girgeh, is about a mile from the river-side on the^west bank; the
Mokattam forms an amphitheatre of hills behind it, that render it
picturesque. It was fortified, in the time of the Mamelouks, by low
walls, flanked with round towers of unbaked brick, with a ditch in
front of the whole; gardens and palm-trees appear mixed with the
buildings of the town. The ancient excavations, described by Denon and
others, are all that remain of the city of Lycopolis. Underneath them,
at the foot of the Mokattam, runs a range of modern Mahometan tombs for
nearly a mile, in a grove of sount, or Egyptian thorn, bearing a tufted
yellow flower. In (p.44) this grove, the mixture of the cupolas,
Saracenic walls, and turrets of the tombs, either simply whitewashed or
rudely coloured, with the thick foliage of the trees, presents a
singular and interesting scene, and attracted my attention more than
any thing modern I had seen in Egypt.
Siout [Asyut] is the intermediate mart between Sennaar, Darfour, and Cairo:
caravans of Gelabs, or slave merchants, are constantly arriving. The
fate of one that had just escaped, with its remnants, from the desert,
after having lost four thousand animals, including men, women,
children, horses, camels, &c, from having mistaken the tract, had
excited a momentary interest about the time of my arrival at Siout:
yet, with all this loss, I was offered a young well formed negress,
about seventeen years old, for the trifling sum of rather more than
fifteen pounds sterling. The way in which slaves of both sexes arc
exposed must shock the feelings of an European unused to such scenes.
The Gelab, like a horse-dealer, examined, pointed out, and made me
remark what he called the good points of the girl in question. The poor
wretch, thus exposed, pouted and cried during the ceremony; was
checked, encouraged, and abused, according to her behaviour. The Gelabs
of Sennaar who attended were mild looking men; tall and slender; their
dress, a long woollen shirt, fastened at the shoulder, in the manner of
a Roman toga; their hair hung very thick, in matted plaits, to the poll
of the neck, like the head-dress of the ancient Egyptian deities, and
which I afterwards found to be that of the women in Nubia.
Fig.5: Ruined bridge near the tombs at Siout [Asyut].
Upon my inquiring (p.45) of them whether they were of the true faith of
Ma- homet, their countenances brightened up into a look of great
cheerfulness, and they answered, " Yes, praised be God!"
At Siout remarks were made to me of the character of the Turks high in
rank, which was said to apply to most of that nation who attain power.
A Turk never loves, never has friendship; he is swayed by interest
alone; will befriend, will love, as long as it is convenient. A
mistress pleases him; yet, rather than she should be assisted in
difficult labour of child-birth, he will allow her to die: and long
cohabitation with a woman ofhas been repayed by an attempt to
poison her, because a lingering illness brought trouble and expense to
her master or husband.
The Copts still appear to be the chief accountants in Egypt, according
to their former custom under the Mamelouks. They have been restrained
from their system of peculation by the most terrible punishments, even
to roasting alive. I saw upwards of one hundred, in the service of
Ibrahim Pasha, employed in one room, which they never quitted during
the day, their meals being brought to them. Their accounts were
superintended by a Turkish Tefterdar, whose threat of instant death on
a trembling Copt, for some mistake or neglect of accounts, 1 heard
myself.
Amongst other commerce (p.46) , that of eunuchs for the seraglio at
Constantinople, took place through Siout. I saw two boats, containing
one hundred and fifty black boys, on their way to Cairo, who had been
totally emasculated, and cured in a month, at a village in the
neighbourhood. They had been attended by a Franciscan monk, one of the
propagandi of the Hospitium of Akmim, who practised medicine for a
livelihood: he described the operation, though painful and cruel,
as easily performed, and without much danger; eleven only having died
out of one hundred and sixty. The simple application of fresh butter
assisted nature in her cure. The corn harvest had already begun in this
part of Egypt: it was plucked up by the roots, as no sickle was used.
The maize, or durra, was still standing: tobacco was in flower. The
process of cutting chaff I shall describe, as I observed it opposite
Akmim. A frame of four feet wide, and as many high, consisting of three
sides, was placed on wooden rollers, serving as axles to a number of
thin circular iron plates, put in motion by a couple of oxen driven by
a boy, who sat on a cross bar above the rollers, and moved over the
straw as it lay in heaps on the ground, after the grain had been
trodden out. In a short time, the straw was cut into small portions,
which served to feed the cattle of the natives.
In the neighbourhood of Akmim, I counted upwards (p.47) of thirty
villages in the plain on both sides of the river; and a little before
Girgefa first saw crocodiles: one had just floated dead on the shore,
and was left there. I measured, and found him twenty spans (about
sixteen feet) in length, from the point of the tail to the extremity of
the nose; but larger were often seen. My servant was in the habit of
firing at them: he often hit them without any other effect than causing
them to make a sudden plunge into the water. They seemed to fly at the
approach of noise, were constantly seen at particular reaches of the
river, sometimes a dozen at a time, basking on the sand banks;
sometimes, but rarely, showing their belly. I at first took them for
logs of wood. The natives call them Timsah [13], told many stories of
their depredations on the inhabitants; but, from what I observed, they
were more afraid of the human race, than inclined to attack it. I never
could bring home any credible account of their having been seen to
attack a man, though many pretended to have known of such an event at
second hand.
The only time I ever saw a crocodile rise again, after having plunged
into the water, was in the instance where a dog had come to the
riverside to drink. It did not seem to fly from (p48) the crocodile,
but rather watched its motions, barking at the same time. My servant
fired at the crocodile, which immediately plunged into the water, and
swam down the stream; the dog continued to track it, saw it rise again
a few hundred yards below, and again took a station to bark at it: on
its second rising, it crouched like a rat, curving its back, and
stiffening its tail behind; then opened a mouth of a tremendous size,
exposed fangs of a frightful length, and jaws of a blood-like red
colour. A second shot, from my servant, made it plunge to rise no more.
The Nile at Girgeh becomes excessively confined by the east mountains
of the Mokattam, and winds so as to bring them into the Tear of the
town; producing a grand scene of water, buildings, and precipitous
masses of rock.
Above Girgeh is the province of Fairshoot, where the greatest quantity
of sugar is made; and, in the hands of Europeans, would supply all the
shores of the Mediterranean: even limited as the produce now is,
the Levant chiefly derives its sugar from it. In no part of the East,
which I visited, was colonial sugar to be found; that for the use of
the seraglio at Constantinople comes from Fairshoot, and is refined
with extraordinary care.
I was now approaching the Thebaid, where I contented myself with one
short visit to the temple at Luxor, on the east banks of the Nile,
which at first disappointed me; its vast (p.49) dimensions being
hid amongst the numerous modern huts erected within its extent, and the
height lost in the accumulation of rubbish. It was not till I began to
compare its columns with the human figure, that I was sensible of their
magnitude.
On ascending the Nile still further, its valley becomes gradually more
narrow. Turkish garrisons were not stationed higher than Esneh, above
which the villages are under the government of their sheiks. At Edfoo,
lances and shields, the arms of savages, were used in common with
fire-arms. At Hadjar Silsilis, the Nile seems to have forced its way
through a mass of rock, which is bold though not lofty. The entrance to
the vast quarries of that part of the Mokattam, and which appear to
have furnished materials for all the temples of Egypt, are plainly
distinguishable on both sides of the river. On the west side, the rude
excavations, in the form of porticos, and supposed to have been the
places of worship of the men employed in the quarries, are seen close
to the water. One part of the passage has been often noticed by
preceding travellers for its contracted breadth, and is said to have
been traversed in ancient times by a chain which stopped the navigation
of the river. It has even been affirmed, that the French discovered an
iron bolt on the west side; my boatmen affected to show the place
whence it was taken: and, in confirmation of the idea of the navigation
(p.50) having been stopped by a chain, we have the present Arabic name,
"Hadjar Silsilis, The rock of the chain." One of the rocks has been cut
into a rude cubic mass, on the summit of which lies another
horizontally, of a triangular shape, and at a distance appears like the
head of a bird.
The mass of buildings which formed part of the ancient Apollinopolis
Magna, rises high above the modern habitations of Edfoo. The
hieroglyphics on its propyloea are plainly distinguished with a glass
from the Nile, though distant a mile and a half. Here the river begins
to divide itself amongst several islands, some of which are inhabited;
but the Mokattam approaches close to the east and west banks, which
appear to have few habitations, and are badly cultivated. I looked in
vain for the building mentioned by Denon, as the Pharos to the ancient
Ombos.
The ruins of this city are close to the east bank, on a sort of
promontory, and the desert threatens to cover them completely. There
are none but these which enable the traveller, by merely passing, to
form a tolerable idea of the sort of ruin he will see; and rarely,
except here, are Roman ruins still to be traced from the shore. From
Ombos to Assuan, the eastern side of the Nile has most cultivation, in
a narrow space of ground between the Mokattam and the banks of the
river. The western shores are almost deserted. The houses of the
villages are more pyramidal than elsewhere, and, (p.51) situated
amongst groves of palm-trees, are excessively picturesque.
Fig.6: View from the west side of Elephantine Island, looking down the Nile.
On the 7th of May, I began to look for the beauties of Elephantina, and
soon was gratified, when we sailed amongst the masses of deep blue
granite, which, in this low season of the year, rose high above the
water: this had now lost its rapidity. I was presented with a scene
composed of water, rocks, and buildings, which latter had the
additional effect of being formed of cupolas, minarets, mosques, and
ruins, interspersed amongst plantations of lofty palm-trees, and
surrounded by mountains of deep red or sandy hue, on the tops and sides
of which were other ruins of convents, churches, and mosques. We passed
along the west side of Elephantina, where the passage is dangerous from
the rocks; we were obliged to take in a pilot, who conducted the boat
safely by the south end, giving me an opportunity of observing the
different scenes that excite the admiration of all travellers. Some of
the ruins of Elephantina are evidently Roman; and of the Egyptian
remains, there are parts which seem to have belonged to buildings not
dedicated to the deities of Egypt; particularly a strong wall of
masonry on the south side, which I should consider as having been
intended for defence. Many of the granite rocks, at the south end, are
covered with hieroglyphics; and two are cut into rude gigantic figures.
The long residence of the French had, in some degree, (p.52)
civilised the inhabitants of Assuan. Those of Elephantina appeared a
distinct race, intermixed with Berbers or Barabras, commonly called
Gooblis, natives of Nubia, who seemed to flock here either for a
livelihood or for refuge. Mr. Denon, whom I had the pleasure of seeing
in Paris, spoke with satisfaction of his reception in that island; and
I was surprised to find so much kindness from people who were literally
in a constant state of warfare or defence, subject at all times to the
predatory excursions of their neighbours living near the cataracts of
Assuan. The island itself, called "Gheziratel-Sag, the flowery
island," is quite a paradise, and merits all the lavish praise bestowed
on it. It must be confessed that we find beauty by comparison; and this
must excuse all travellers in their particular praise of spots, which
elsewhere would not, perhaps, call forth their eulogy. Though the
season of the year was approaching to the greatest heat, shade was
every where to be found amongst the thick plantations of palm-trees,
which surrounded and traversed the island. Amongst these the modern
habitations showed themselves, whilst the eye often rested on the
ancient temples still existing. Every spot was cultivated, and every
person employed; none asked for money; and I walked about, oreeted by
all I met with courteous and friendly salams.
The intercourse I had with the natives of Assuan was of a very
different nature; and in spite of French civilisation and (p.53) French
progeny, which the countenances and complexion of many of the younger
part of the inhabitants betrayed, I never received marks of attention
without a demand on my generosity.
[end part 1]
Footnotes:
1. [Editor's Note:
Numerous place names and their spellings given by Light differ from
those in modern usage. Accordingly, modern names and spellings will be
placed in brackets as needed beside place names in the text.]
2. In a note to Yolney (English translation, 3d edit. 8vo.),
it appears that he agrees with Savary in calling it the column of
Severus. See also note in Walpole's Memoirs on Turkey, p. 375; in
which it is called " the column of the colonnades"—Amoud el Sawary.
This was not the term applied by the people of the East in my
hearing. I made one person write down in Arabic what he called it, and
I copied r»«J) <-y*£. In Richardson's Arabic Lexicon, colonnade is
not expressed by the word " Sawary."
3. Henry Blount remained at Boolac, in the house of a
Venetian gentleman, for some time; and learned that the number of
churches and mosques amounted to thirty-five thousand; the noted
streets twenty-four thousand, besides petty turnings and divisions.
Some of the streets he found two miles in length, some not a quarter so
long. Every one of them is locked up at night with a door at each end,
and guarded by a musqueteer; whereby fire, robberies, and tumults, with
other disorders, are prevented. He travelled in 1634. See Pinkerton's
Collection, 10th volume. The extent of Cairo, in his time, is said to
be thirty- five or forty miles in circuit [4]. The Turkish accounts
say, that Selim, when he conquered it, was four days before he passed
through.
4. If Fostact, Boolac, and Gizeh, are included, it might be near that circuit. Elmacin, Book I. Chapter III. says, "Amre, fils d'Alash, General du
Caliphe Omar, ayant pris Misraim, ycampa; lorsqu'on lui vint a oter sa
tente ou son tabernacle, on y trouva le nid d'un pigeon, avec plusieurs
petits pigeonneaux. Amre dit, ' Nous sommes dans le mois de Maharram,
il nous est defendu de tuer la moindre chose.' La dessus il ordonna a
ses gens de laisser sa tente d 'habiter la, ct de prendre soin du
pigeon. Bs fonderent done une ville qu'ils nommerent Fustaat, e'est a
dire ' Tente,' ' Tabernacle.' Amre l'ayant eu l'an 20 de 1'Hegire, le
641 de J. C. la ceignit d'une muraille." Note of Benjamin de Tudela,
chap. 21 p. 225. Baratier's Translation, 1784, Amsterdam.
5. See Volney.
6. Volney gives a short but interesting account of the
formation of this both, under the successors of Selah Eddin, p. 96,
vol. i. English translation.
7. Henry Blount, talking of the water of the Nile, says, the
water tastes just like new milk, but somewhat nitrous; and if drank as
from the river, troubled, it causes to strangers a flux. They take a
gallon or more of that water; and if they have not time to let it
settle, they cast therein three or four bruised almonds, which, in less
than an hour, clarifies it like crystal; which effect they have upon no
other water, and therein is shown the perfection of that. P. 244,
Pinkerton's Collection, vol.10. - The Keenah jar, being unglazed outside, acts as a filtering stone. I
have tried the effects of bruised almonds on the Nile water, even at
sea; and the water very soon became quite clear. I cannot answer for
the latter part of the assertion of H. Blount, not having tried.
8. Volney gives a lively and faithful description of the
effect of these winds, in his Travels, p. 56, 3d edit. English
translation, 8vo.
9. See Mungo Park's Travels in Africa; where he in some places subsisted by writing them: the African called them Saphies.
10. The learned reader may recall to his mind some of the
ceremonies practised by the ancients to this effect. See St. Augustine,
De Civit. Dei, where he reprobates them.
11. Feddan: About an acre and a half.
12. Five cantars: Nearly one hundred weight.
13. See Herodotus, called by him Champsas. See Beloe's translation, vol. i, p. 400. Euterpe.
[Continue to Part 2 (Chapters 4-6)]
[Return to Table of Contents]
|
|
| Southport main page Main
index of Athena Review
Copyright © 2023 Rust Family Foundation.
(All Rights Reserved). |
|
.
|