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Excavations on the west slope of the Acropolis. IV. The Sanctuary of Amynos (Ath. Mitt. XXI, 1896, pp.287-332).
As
early as autumn 1892, during the excavations undertaken on the western
slope of the Acropolis, a sacred area was partially uncovered, which
proved to be the sanctuary of a healing deity. Complete exposure had to
be dispensed with initially. I have discussed the finds of that time in
this journal (Ath.Mitt. XVIII
p. 231 ff.) and tried to substantiate the view that despite a
dedication to Asklepios, this god was not the original lord of the
district because the sanctuary is older than the introduction of the
Asklepios cult in Athens, which according to another inscription took
place in the year 420/19 BC (ibid.
p. 245 ff.). This assumption was confirmed when in the beginning of
1895 the small district could be completely uncovered. We now know that
the hero Amynos was the original holder of the district.
The
expansion of the sanctuary was fairly correctly assumed in the sketch
published at the time (op. cit. p. 232). The plan on plate 11, drawn by
W. Wilberg, illustrates what is still preserved from the enclosing
walls and what was found in the interior of the district in the form of
walls, foundation stones and other facilities, the explanation of which
I based on the information given by W. Dörpfeld.
Plate 11: Plan of the Sanctuary of Amynos.
The
western border wall on the old road has been completely preserved. At
its northern end is the entrance gate of the district, described
earlier (p.288) with its old poros threshold and the more recent porch
(Y Z on the plan) of marble. Its southern end will have been where it
bends and assumes a different construction. One could expect that the
southern boundary wall of the district would start here, but only the
remains of a wall of poorer construction have survived here, which
could only be supplemented as a boundary wall. The wall is therefore
only shown with dotted lines on the plan.
The location of the
eastern district wall is secured by a well-preserved large piece; only
its two ends are uncertain, which can therefore also only be drawn as a
guess (dotted lines).
The western part, which begins at the
gate, is still 1.0-1.50" high of the north wall; here at L there is a
water outflow. The eastern end of the wall has been destroyed down to
the foundations. Beside her ran a footpath up to the gate of the
Acropolis. Large blocks of stone, whose corners have been worn down by
centuries of traffic, still lie along the wall.
If our
reconstruction of the borders is correct, the district was on average
19 m long and 13 m wide, i.e. had a content of around 250 square meters.
The
most important structure inside the sanctuary is the fountain K.
Located roughly in the middle of the district, it is believed to have
been the starting point for the founding of the sanctuary because its
water was believed to bring healing. We found the large estuary stone
no longer in its old place, but overturned next to it. The 4.10m deep
well was cut into the soft slate rock and originally appears to have
had no inner lining. But when the rock was weathered in several places,
it was partially bricked up in antiquity, for which purpose some
inscribed stones were used in addition to ordinary limestone. Since the
rock walls and this masonry were now in danger of collapsing after the
clearance, the entire well was re-walled from scratch and the estuary
stone (p.289) was also put back in its old place. The well now supplies
good drinking water again.
It is particularly important for the
history of the well that an old water pipe made of clay pipes (U on
plate 11) runs straight towards it and, as evidenced by a hole running
through the estuary stone, also led water into the well. The form and
technique of the clay reeds correspond exactly to the large reeds of
the Peisistratos line, only the diameter is smaller. It is therefore
certain that the well received fresh tap water as early as around the
VI century, which was undoubtedly better than the well water of that
area
We do not know how long the old supply line was in
operation. The presence of a more recent pipe (a square Thonrinne, on
Plan T) coming from the east suggests that the older pipe had become
unusable for some reason and had to be replaced. From which time the
younger management comes cannot be decided. West of the fountain is a
stucco-lined pool (R).
Next to the fountain was a small
building, which was probably a temple of the Healing Hero (about 3.30
to 3.50 m tall). Only smaller remnants of foundation walls have been
preserved, which are too minor to allow a complete completion of the
floor plan. But they clearly show two things: first, that it is just an
inconspicuous chapel, which probably didn't even have a vestibule, and
then that the building has been rebuilt several times, because you can
see several overlapping and crossing pieces of wall.
Inside we
found the base of a marble sacrificial table (F), between the feet of
which was a relief depicting two serpents, and the round base of a
stele or column (E).
Substructures of such votive offerings have
been found in large numbers in the sacred precinct and especially
between the little temple and the (p.290) entrance. Those discovered in
their old place are indicated on the plan (A-D, G, H, ?, N). On some of
these bases, which carried larger votive offerings, several small
marble tablets with decrees were set up next to the main stele or
column, as the preserved incorporations and, in the case of one, the
remainder of the marble slab still in it prove (cf. M, N and G on the
plan).
I now let the discussion of the individual finds follow,
among which the inscriptions are by far the most important this time
and are also comparatively numerous.
A. Sculptures.
1.
Devotional relief, broken into three pieces, the upper right corner is
missing. Marble. Height 0.125m, length 0.22m. Found subsequently in
December 1895.
On the left stands the god or hero in the usual Asklepios form (cf. as I have explained loc. cit
pp. 252 ff. ) with a bare chest. He turns right to two people, a man
and a woman, approaching from the right with their right hand raised in
prayer. The relief is one of the smallest and most sketchy of its kind.
Light blue color has been preserved on the relief background.
2.
The upper right corner of a funeral banquet relief. Pentelic marble.
Found in the well. Height 0.26m, width 0.30m, thickness 0.07m.
The
right ante and five end bricks of the upper entablature survive. The
upper right corner is occupied by a horse's head in a frame, as is so
often found on such reliefs as an indication of the heroic dignity of
the deceased (cf. Friederichs-Wolters, building blocks no. 1058. 1066.
1068. 1071. Antique sculptures in the Berlin Museum No. 820,826). In
front of it the head of a youth can be seen, to the left of this
(p.291) the outline of the head and shoulders of a reclining man. The
fragment fits exactly to one found earlier on the street in front of
the sanctuary, which I previously wrote about (op. cit. p. 241 under no. 5).
We
now have the wine-giving youth almost complete and large pieces of the
hero and his bed (cf. photograph of the institute A. V. 185). So the
relief was broken in a time that cannot be determined and some pieces
got into the well, others were thrown onto the street.
3. The lower right corner of a dedicatory relief. Pentelic marble. Height 0.23m, width 0.17m, thickness 0.11m.
Preserved
is the lower body of a man, for the sake of the god, in a cloak,
stepping to the left and holding a staff in his left hand (A. V. 185).
4.
Relief fragment. Pentelic marble badly attacked by fire. A female head
(0.07 m high) is turned slightly to the right, it corresponds to the
juvenile Hygieia type.
5. The upper right corner of a dedicatory
relief. Pentelic marble. Height 0.165m, width 0.17m, thickness 0.035m.
Found on the road next to the district (A.V. 188).
The
architectural framing is damaged and of five adorants facing left, only
the head of the two foremost survives, and the chest of the three
following; there are two bearded men, a woman with a headscarf, a youth
and a girl standing in front of the pillar and wearing a large round
gista on her head.
All of the relief fragments listed so far can be assigned to the fourth century BC (cf. loc. cit. p. 244 f.).
6. Relief broken in two pieces, the two upper corners and the lower right
corner missing. Pentelic marble. Height 0.31m, width 0.17m, thickness
0.045m (A. V. 188).
Depicted in rather careful work is a female
lower body in profile standing to the left, so that only the left leg
can be seen; it is cut off in a straight line in the region of the
lower (p.292) ribs. On the narrow bar above, about the middle third of
the dedicatory inscription has been preserved. This reads:
 Fig.2a: sketch of inscription No.6 from field notes of Jan. 28, 1895 when the relief was discovered. (Source: Ausgrabungen bei der Enneakrunos IV, 19 Nov. 1894-9 Feb. 1895, p.89).
The
last hasta in line 1 cannot come from a E (Άσκλη-πιφ) but only from a
Λ, M or X; one will therefore be allowed to presuppose a woman's name
like Κλεωνίς with the following patronymic. The second line is to be
added to "'Apolon" after identification of the inscriptions to be
discussed later. Among the votive offerings depicting limbs, this plate
is one of the oldest, as the letter forms show, it probably belongs to
the IV or III century BC (cf. op. cit. p. 245).
7. Statuette of
a seated Cybele. Pentelic marble. Height 0.26m. The head is missing;
the goddess holds a bowl in her right hand, the tympanum in her left,
her lion rests on her lap. The usual architectural framework is not
executed. It deserves attention that the remains of two statuettes of
Cybele have also been found in the Asklepieion on the southern slope of
the castle (see Duhn, Arch. Zeitung 1877, XXXV, p. 159 No. 60 and 61)
and dedications to the goddess are not missing in Epidauros either
(Cavvadias , Fouilles d'Epidaure Nos. 64 and 157); however, we must
consider that dedications to Cybele have been found in quite a number
on the rest of the western slope (cf. p. 278 above).
8. Left hand with omphalos bowl. Pentelic marble. Length 0.18m. Found in the well (A.V. 188).
The
hand comes from an approximately life-size statue. One would think of
the cult image of the god or hero if the softness of the forms did not
indicate that it belonged to a female statue, such as Hygieia. The hand
is smooth but lifeless and probably dates back to Roman times.
9.
Finally, a small (p.293) statuette of Telesphorus made of bluish
marble, 0.17 m high, of minor work should also be mentioned. However,
it is not found in the sanctuary, but on November 27, 1895 north of it,
above building W, but it could well have come from our sanctuary.
B. Terracottas.
In addition to the remains of a few other specimens of the archaic seated goddess (cf. loc.cit. p. 243), the following pieces should be mentioned:
1. Archaic Dionysus herm, bearded and ithyphallic. Η. 0.17m (A.V. 188).
2.
A woman sits on a rock, her left hand propped up, her right hand
resting on her lap. The head and left arm are missing. The robe was
pulled over the head; The chest, abdomen and left thigh are bare.
Pretty painstaking work. Height 0.17m.
3. A boy's bodice in a
pointed hood, as worn by Telesphorus, but with a vulgar expression,
holding an amphora on his left shoulder. The hood and Amphora red, the
face white. Height 0.12m (A.V. 188).
C. Vases.
In
addition to a number of geometric and early Attic sherds, a
Proto-Corinthian and a few Attic black-figures were found; all later
genera common in Attica are also represented. I highlight a fragment of
a rather small Panathenaic amphora with the shield of Athena, which
bears the remains of a white shield sign, underneath is the inscription
T Ο N A Θ F, των Άθή[νηθεν άθλων. On a second Panathenaic fragment of
an amphora one sees the upper part of a column and above it the robe
and feet of a levitating Nike.
Also worthy of mention is a
fragment of a well-varnished bowl which bears the inscription ΚΛΗΠΙΟ =
Άφληπιο(υ) incised around the inner circle (p.294) and a kylix foot of
good technique (found on the road south of the district) with the
incised complete preserved Inscription S + ENALES. The bottom bar of
the L can be random.
Finally, the 14 cm long fragment from the
upper rim of a black glazed vessel (diameter of the rim about 16 cm)
should be mentioned, which was decorated in a later manner with
ornaments that are plastic and gold gilded on the black ground. In this
case, as is not uncommon, it was a necklace that seems to be placed
around the neck of the vessel, and above it an inscription from which
HSTY + HE, i.e. Άγαθ]ης Τύχης, has been preserved.
D. Inscriptions.
1.
Stele of bluish marble found in the well. The quadrangular, slightly
tapered shaft of the stele (lower width 0.25 m, upper 0.23 m, thickness
0.19 m) is transformed into a quadrangular crowning (width 0.32 m,
height 0.19 m, total height of the stele 1.18 m) through a groove ). At
the top there is an insert hole broken out at the back for a votive
gift (width 0.165 m, depth 0.075 m). The shaft is rough-picked, the
back left raw. An example of this form of stele from older times is the
Onatas stele (Borrmann, Arch. Jahrbuch
III p. 271 Fig. 2), otherwise it is not uncommon as a base for
anathematous reliefs. Carefully written in 2cm high letters, the
dedication reads:
ΜνησιπτολέίΛη
ύπερ Δικαιοφάνους
Άσκληπιω Άμνηω
άνέθηκε.
Fig.2: Stele 1 as
sketched by Theodor Wiegand in his field notes for Jan. 24, 1895. "Marble stele, 118 cm
high, insert hole at the top for a votive gift, the edges of which have
broken off at the back. Judging by the character of the writing, the
inscription could probably be set at 400 BC." (source: Ausgrabungen bei der Enneakrunos IV, pp79-.81).
The
letter forms and especially the spelling Δικαιοφάνος recommend placing
the inscription in the first decades of the (p.295) fourth century BC
(see Meisterhans, Grammatik der Attische Inschriften 2 p. 5).
If
the following inscriptions did not indicate that Άmuνος is an independent
hero, one could interpret his name here as an epithet of Asklepios.
However, the omission of the connecting καί is nothing unusual,
especially in the case of deities who are closely connected in the
cult; in Epidaurus there are several dedications 'Aπόλλωνι Άσκλαπιφ
(Cavvadias, Fouilles d'Epidaure
No. 20. 24. 1 12. 132) and here a merging of both gods into one person
is out of the question. Also the inscription from the Amphiareion in
Rhamnus (Δελτίον 1891 p. 116 no. 14) 'Ιεροκλής 'Ιέρωνος Άριστοράχω
Άρφιεράω, which I used earlier understood differently (op cit.p. 255),
will probably be a consecration for Aristomachos and Amphiaraos,
otherwise could hardly precede Άριστοράχω [1.].
2. Slab of Pentelic marble set into the wall like a console. Length 0.355m, width 0.30m, thickness 0.065m, letter height 0.02m.
Only
the front part is worked smoothly, the one inserted into the wall is
left raw, the top shows a flat incorporation for a votive gift. The
dedicatory inscription was painted on the front; the paint is gone, but
under its protection the painted areas are less weathered than the
ground, so most of the letters are legible. (p.296)
Διόφαντος Καλλίου ε-
κ Κερ(αμέων) Άμύνω[ι ε]ΰξάμενο[ς
Diophantos Kallio from Kerameon the Exalted Amynos
According
to the letter forms, the inscription can be placed in the middle of the
fourth century and then an Ephebe of the year 305/4 Κηφίσιος Διοφάντου
Κεραμεύς (C.I.A. IV,2 251 b) is probably a son of the consecrator. The abbreviation έκ Κερ. for έκ Κεραμέων is not uncommon; cf. Journal for Austrian Gymnasiums 1891 p. 690, on which C.I.A. II 774.16 is to be added.
It
is particularly important that this votive gift is for Amynos alone;
the same is probably also the case with the relief mentioned above on
p. 291.6 [2].
3.
Fragment of a flat marble bowl bearing the letters AMY for Άμύ[νω (Amynos) on the
upper rim. Width 0.105m, height 0.05m, letter height 0.02m. This
fragment was found on Jan. 2, 1892 on the road near the sanctuary.
4.
Marble altar. Height 0.27m, letter height 0.0 12m. A quadrangular
incorporation at the top, the dedicatory inscription carelessly carved
into the front, extending to the lower profile. Found subsequently in
December 1895.
Π]ερσ[αΐ]ος
θεοξενίδου
Μαραθώνιος
Άμύνω καί
Άσκληπιω
και 'Υγεία ν
ίερέως Σοφο-
κλέους του
Φιλώτου Σου-
νιέως γόνω
δ]ε Δίονυσοδώ-
ρο]υ Δ(ε)ιραδιώτου
Περσαΐος θεοξενίδου Μαραθώνιος Άμύνω καί Άσκληπιω και 'Υγεία επι iερέως Σοφοκλέους του Φιλώτου Σουνιέως γόνω δε Δίονυσοδώρου Δειραδιώτου
Perseus of Theoxenides Marathonius Defense and Asclepius and Hygeia to the priest Sophocles by Philot Sounieus son of Dionysodorus Deiradiotus
[p.297) The
inscription is older than one would initially assume based on the late
form Υγεία (cf. Meisterhaus 2 p. 39 note 313) and the letter forms.
We
can date them fairly accurately, knowing several members of the priest
Sophocles' family. His son, who bears the adoptive father's name,
Φιλώτας Σοφο-κλέους Σουνιεύς is in the well-known von
Latyschev B.C.Η.V p. 260 f. convincingly placed in the list of archons placed in the first decades of the first century BC (C.I.A. II 863, cf. Preuner, Rhein. Mus.
XL1X p. 362 ff.). His biological father Διονυσόδωρος Δειραδιώτης is
probably the one mentioned in the Delian άπαρχαί inscription [C.I.A.
II 985 E 42) mentioned γυμνασίαρχος είς Δήλον of the year 100/99 BC,
and a . . . φών Διο- νυσοδώρου, who is mentioned first among the
Deiradiotes in a list of Leontis (C.I.A.
11 1049), which also belongs to the first half of the first century BC,
was probably the biological brother of Sophocles. Dionysodoros and his
natural grandson Philotas then move quite close to each other in terms
of time, but not so close that their pre-connection becomes impossible.
If Dionysodoros was in his sixties in the year 100 BC, he could very
well have had a ten-year-old grandson, who thirty years later would
hold the office of polemarch.
So we will also have to place our
altar at the beginning of the first century BC, and it is important
that at that time a citizen from the best Attic family held the
priesthood in the small sanctuary.
Hygieia originally did not
belong in the sanctuary, as the two following documents show. Their
occurrence on (p.298) votive reliefs of the IV century BC (op. cit, p. 238 Fig. 2. and above p. 291 no. 4) I have previously noted (op. cit.
253 ) as showing the power that art exercises with its types. If Hygieia
appears on the altar of the first century as a joint occupant of the
sanctuary, exactly the same process can be observed here as in the
Amphiaraos sanctuaries of Oropos and Rhamnus. First the Attic
stonemason brings the goddess into the sanctuary, because the types
created for the Attic Asklepieion associate the helpful goddess with
the god of healing, then the people get used to seeing Hygieia in the
sanctuary and this habit finally leads to acceptance into the cult.
Because this development is now certain for our district, I believe
that it must also be maintained for Oropos and Rhamnus, despite
Usener's certainly serious objection (Götternamen p. 169). Just as in
the Amyneion, Hygieia appears in the Oropic Amphiareion on reliefs as
early as the IV century BC, in the cult only in the I century BC.
5.
Small profiled base with inlay for the plinth of a statuette, broken on
the right. Pentelic marble. Height 0.05m, width 0.15m, thickness 0.06m,
letter height 0.005-0.01m.
ΑΡΙΣΤΟΚΛΕΙΔΗΣ ΦY Άριστοκλείδης Φυ[λάσιος
ΑΝΕΘΗΚΕ
άνέθηκε.
"Aristocleides Phylasios was relieved."
 Fig.3: Sketch of inscription 5 in field notes for Jan. 21, 1895, on its discovery
(source: Ausgrabungen bei der Enneakrunos IV, p.69).
The name and probably also the person of the consecrator appear again in a list of Weilmeschenken on the castle C.I.A. IV, 2 773 b 16. Judging by the proportions, the god was not named on this basis, which also belongs to the fourth century.
6.
Stela made of Pentelic marble, height 0.39m, width at bottom 0.20m, at
top 0.21m, thickness 0.04m, height of letters 0.006m. Found in the
well, crowned with two wreaths [3].
 Fig.4:
Stele 6 and inscription sketched by Theodor Wiegand in his field
notes
for Jan. 24,1895. "Stele made of white marble, 38.5 cm high, width
above 20.4 cm, below
21 cm. Left unfinished at the back. Ht of inscription 25.3 cm.,
....The form "Kleianetos" points to the time around 350 BC
(Meisterhaus p 21). .....instead of "TOY" it is written "TOT"
.....line 20: instead of "TΩN" is written "TΩM"; .... In OPTEΩNON the rounding of the P has been painted. "
(source: Ausgrabungen bei der Enneakrunos IV, 19 Nov. 1894-9 Feb.1895, p.81).
The
stele is broken at the bottom, but an empty space under the last five
letters of line 21 indicates that the inscription ended in line 22.
Κλειαίνετος Κλεοαενους Μελιτεύς είπεν'
δεδόχθαι τοϊς όργεώσι επειδή εΐσιν άνδρες
αγαθοί περί τά κοινά τών όργεώνων του Άμό-
νου καί του Ασκληπιού καί του Δεζίονος
5 Καλλιάδης Φιλίνου Πειραιεύς, Λυσιμαχί-
δης Φιλίνου ΙΙειραιεύς, έπαινε'σαι αυτούς
αρετής ενεκα καί δικαιοσύνης τή(ς) εις τούς
θεούς καί περί τά κοινά τών όργεώνων καί
στεφανώσαι αυτών έκάτερον χρυσώ στε-
10 (ράνω άπο [Ή δραχμών, είναι δ’αύτοΐς καί
άτελειαν του χοΰ έν άμφοΐν τοΐν ίεροϊν
καί αύτοΐς καί έγγόνοις, δούναι δέ καί εις
(p.300)θυσίαν καί ανάθημα αΰτοΐς, δτι άν δόξει
τοΐς οργεώσιν, άναγράψαι δε τάδε το ψήφι-
15 σμα έν στηλαις λιθίναις δυοΐν καί στησαι
τάν μεν εν τω του Δεξίονος ίερω την δέ
έ]ν τω το(υ) Άμύνου καί Ασκληπιού, δουνα[ι
δε καί εις τάς στήλας αύτοΐς, δτι άν δδξε[ι
τοΐς οργεώσι, δπως άν καί οί άλλοι ©ιλοτι-
20 μώντα]ι περί τα κοινά των όργεώνων είδό-
τες δτι χάριτας άποδ]ώσουσι τοΐς εύεργετου-
σιν αξίας των ευεργετημάτων].
The
inscription is very carelessly written, four times Λ instead of A (line
9 twice, 12, 14) four times O instead of Θ (line 3, 8, 13, 15). once T
for Y (Z. 17) and I for P (Z. 20), Z.7 left out the € in της. Most of
these omissions will be corrected in the coloring of the letters.
It
is valuable for its chronological determination that we apparently know
two of the men named in it from other inscriptions. A "Κλεαίνετος
Μελιτεύς" belongs to the diaitetes of the year 325/24 BC (C.I.A. II 943), so was, as we can from Aristotle (ΙΙολ. Άθην.
53,4 διαιτηταί δ' είσίν, οις άν εξηκοστόν έτος η) know, then 69 years
old. Around the same time, a Καλλιάδης in Piraeus made the application
to commend the entrepreneurs of the Piraean theater construction (C.I.A.
II 573) and despite the missing patronymic we will probably be able to
recognize in him one of the brothers honored in our decision. Regarding
the approach that results from these, of course, only probable certain
identifications, some details in the text of the inscription fit
admirably.
The consonantal i inserted between two vowels, which
we encounter in the first word of the inscription Κλειαίνετος, is found
particularly frequently in the second half of the fourth century BC
(Meisterhaus, Grammatik der Attische Inschriften
2 p. 35). The spelling εγγονοι (with γ) is also characteristic of the
IV century, since the year 300 it stops completely according to
Meisterhans (p. 83 note 791).
(p.301) The absence of the
άναγόοευσις, the public proclamation of all honors rendered, which
became customary in the decrees of private colleges around the year 300
BC, also points to the same time (C.I.A.
II 603. 61 1. 614. 617. 619. 622. IV,2 614b. 615b. 616 b. 6'33d. 624 b)
and is also not uncommon in government decisions [4] (e.g. C.I.A.
11 251. 254. 300. 311. 312). Precisely because the intention to honor
the honorees in a very special way emerges very clearly from the
resolution, one would hardly have missed such an effective form of
homage as the άναγόρευσις is, if it had been common at the time.
In
addition to the commendation and the stately gold wreaths worth 500 drs
each, the brothers are also granted other, less usual honours. The
private cooperatives are generally not generous in granting the atelie
(cf. Foucart, Les associations religieuses chez les Grecs
p. 39 f.), because they could not limit their mostly very modest income
themselves through such privileges, all the higher both brothers will
have posted the ατέλεια του χοΰ (Z. 10 ff.) granted to them and their
descendants. The pot—of wine, of course—could be a donation due to the
god; thus the brave founder of the Men Tyrannos sanctuary decreed (C.I A. III 74, Foucart op.cit. No. 38 Z. 21 ff.):
τους
δε βουλομένους έρανον συνάγει Μη νί Τυράννω επ' άγαθη τύχτ, ' ομοίως δε
παρέξουσιν οί έρανισταί τα καθήκοντα τω θεω δέ[ξιον] σκέλος καί δοράν
καί κοτύλην ελα ίου καί χουν οίνου κτέ.
(" and those who are
willing to gather together, I will not tyrannize on good things, in
the same way, do not neglect the duties of God's right hand and gift
and bottle of oil and have wine",
but since a jug of wine is
apparently provided by all Eranists together, it is difficult to
exclude an individual from this joint donation. I therefore consider it
more likely that χους is used figuratively for the
όρισθεϊσα εις τον οίνον φορά μηνιαία,
" I have given myself to wine once a month,"
which plays such an important role in the Zech-Comment of the vinous lobakchen (Athens. Mittheilungen XIX p. 258 Z. 45 f. Maass, Orpheus p. 22). (p.302) Such a use of the word is attested at least for the Argives by Hegesandros in Athenaios VIII, 68 (365z/):
την συρβολην την εις τα συμπόσια ύπδ των πιν όντων εΐσφερορμένην Άργεΐοι χών καλουσι, την δε ρερίδα αίσαν
"the Argives called her to the feasts of the gods, and they called her the bride"
If
this view is correct, Calliades and Lysimachides, together with their
descendants, became, according to our way of speaking, honorary members
of both societies.
The following award, with which the brothers
Z. 12 ft. are considered, is better known to us: the Orgeons grant them
money for a sacrifice and a votive gift, on which the honorees may then
put their own name. In our case, the Orgeons still reserve the right to
determine the amount of money necessary for this; in a similar decision
by the thiasotes of the Syrian Aphrodite, it is set at 20 drachmas (C.I.A. IV,2 611 b Z. 50 ff.), in a According to another document of the same association (C.I.A. II 611, Foucart loc. cit.. No. 30) it amounts to 50 drachmas.
An inscription recently published by Bourguet is closely related to this decree (B.C. Η. XVIII p. 491 f., then C.I.A. IV,2 p. 306,617 c), which I repeat because it cannot be omitted from an enumeration of the finds of the sanctuary:
7.
Gable stele, broken into three pieces, the upper right corner is
missing. Height 0.23m, width 0.235m, thickness 0.06m, letter height
0.005m.
The stone has been in the possession of the French
school for a number of years and was found during occasional
excavations in the field above the amynos sanctuary, which was
sometimes tilled in the past. Three years ago, the owners of the
property reported that marbles had been unearthed here, but they could
not provide any information about their whereabouts.
Θεοί.
’Έδοζεν τοΐς [όργειώσιν 6 δείνα
'Ιππορ,άχου ΜεΓλιτευς είπεν έπείδη Ευ-
δωρος
καί
Άντ[...αν-
(p.303)
5 δρες δίκαιοι γε[γόν]ασι περί τα κοινά
των όργειώνων του Άριύνου καί του
Ασκληπιού καί του Δεξίονος, έπαινέ-
σαι αυτούς δικαιοσύνης ένεκα καί
στεφανώσαι αυτών εκάτερον χρυσω
10 στεφάνω το δέ ψήφισμα τόδε άναγρά-
ψαι έν τω ίερω έν στηλει λιθίνει.
The additions to the first lines are
self-evident, I suggested the name Εύδωρος in order not to give the
line more letters than the highest number of letters in the lines that
have been preserved; Bourguet presumably writes έπεί Διό]δωρος, Köhler
επειδή Διό]δωρος.
The brief statement contains nothing that
allows its chronological determination, but its very brevity suggests a
relatively early origin, around the end of the fourth century BC [5].
Remarkable is the fact that the two cooperatives had only one stele έν
τω ίερω erected, apparently in the district of Amynos and Asklepios;
the two therefore appear to be even more closely connected than in the
previous inscription, and we will be able to conclude from this that
this decision is more recent than the other.
Before
I go into more detail about the cooperatives and the deities worshiped
by them, I want to add a document that is probably also an Orgeon
resolution.
8. Pentelic marble stele found in the well, very
worn. Height 0.88m, bottom width 0.42m, top 0.40m, thickness 0.065m,
letter height 0.007m. [p.304]
Fig.5: Inscription 8 on marble stela, found in well at Sanctuary of Amynos on Jan. 23, 1895 (cf. field notes: Ausgrabungen bei der Enneakrunos IV, 19 Nov. 1894-9 Feb.1895, p.75).
Since
the inscription is written strictly στοιχηδόν, the line has 29 letters,
and is written in well-known formulas. In the main, it can be produced
with sufficient certainty despite the severe destruction.
Θεόδ(ο)τος είπεν' επειδή οί ίστιά[τορ-
ες οί επί Θευφράστου άρχοντος Άν[τι-
κ]λής ΜεΜνονος καί [Κ]λε[ι]το[φ]ών [Δηριοφ-
ί]λου ( ? ) καλώς καί [φ]ιλοτε[ίρ.]ω[ς] έπΐ[Λε[ρ,έ-
[5] ληνται των [τε κ]οι[ν]ώ[ν ( ? ) κ]α[ί] τώ[ν] 0υσιώ[ν
έπαινε'σαι α[ύτούς καί σ]τ[ε]φανώσαι [θ-
αλ]λο[υ σ]τεφάν[ω], δπ[ως] άν [καί] οί άλλο[ι
φιλοτ[ι]ριών[ται εϊδότες ότι.
-α(?) άπολ[ήψονται.. . . άναγρά-
[10] ψαι [δέ τόδε τό ψήφισμα έν στήλει λιθ-
[ίνει.
Line
1: Θεόδδτος is clearly written on the stone. It cannot be said with
certainty whether the archon Theuphrastos mentioned in line 2, whose
spelling is ευ, is the eponym of 340/39 or 313/2 BC; but if my addition
in Line 4 φιλοτείμως is correct, as can hardly be doubted with the
formulaic connection καλώς καί φιλοτίχως ("well and friendly") and the preserved letters,
then we will have to prefer the younger Archon. Our inscription is
perhaps the oldest in which a confusion of ει and t occurs; Meisterhaus
op cit. p. 38 note 310 cites only one example from the last years of the IV century BC, even in the III c BC they are still quite rare.
(p.305) The name of the one praised ίστιάτωρ occurs in a catalog C.I.A.
11 1002 written before 360 BC. Since the genre of this list of names is
unknown, it cannot be determined whether the Anticles son of Memnon
mentioned in it corresponds to the one in our decree honored
identically or whether he is his grandfather; In any case, the former
is not impossible. If Antikles was a youth in the sixties, he was on
the verge of old age in 313/2 BC.
Since the name of the
decision-making body is not preserved in the decree, which apparently
was not mentioned at all. thus one could be in doubt about the official
character of the Histiatores. The feeding of the phylum at certain
major festivals is one of the regular state liturgies (cf. Thumser, De civium Atheniensium muneribus
p. 90 ff.) and that this should be divided between two men would be
conceivable in the fourth century (Thumser p. 86 f.). Then Antikles and
Kleitophon would have been honored by their phyle for good fulfillment
of the state liturgy (cf. C.I.A.
II 553. 554. 557) and the stele would have been dragged into the
Amyneion from elsewhere when the repair of the well there required
stones. The possibility of such a process cannot be completely
dismissed, but it is much more likely to be seen in the Histiatores as
officials of the Orgeons, whom we have come to know in the preceding
inscriptions. According to the state model, such cult associations have
their ταmίαι, έπιριεληταί, ίεροποιοί and γρααριατεΐς ("treasurers, priests, and clerks"), so they will also
have imitated the state liturgy of the έστίασις ("focus").
The
όργεωνικά δείπνα ("orgeonic dinners") are mentioned by Athenaios (V, 2 p.
185 c) together with those of the phyla, demes, thiasoi and phratria
and their victims are listed in a gloss of the Lexicon Seguerianum going back to Deinarchos next to the state ones (Bekkers Anecdota l p. 240)
" δημοτελή
καί δημοτικά ίερεία διαφέρει, τά μεν δημοτελή θύματα ή πόλις δίδωσιν,
εις δε τα δημοτικά οί δημόται, εις δέ τα όργεωνικά οί οργεώνες,
οι άν ωσιν έκαστου του ιερού, εις δέ τα των γενεών τά γένη"
"communal
and municipal priests are different, the communal priests give
sacrifices or polis, and in the municipal ones the citizens, in the
orgeonic ones the orgeons, the priests of each sanctuary, in those of
the generations the genera,"
(Cf. Harpokration under δημοτελή). (p.306)
Footnotes:
1. Then the headless statue that belongs to the base is not a cult image, as I assumed.
2. That on the already
published (op cit p. 238) relief next to Hygieia the hero was depicted, I would now
like to conclude with more confidence than at that time from the
preserved kantharos (see also op cit. p. 240).
3. For the
interpretation of this inscription I owe important information to Theodor
Wiegand, who discussed it in a meeting of the Arch. Institute in Athens
(above XX p. 508) and kindly made his manuscript available to me.
(p.299)
4. The oldest known example is a state decree of honor of the year 393 BC (C.I.A. II p. 397, 10 b)
5. This approach corresponds very well to the form όργειώνων in line 6.
[Continue to part 2]
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