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The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Vol. 12, edited by Bernard P. Grenfell and Arthur S. Hunt (London: Egypt Exploration Fund, 1915)
Edicts and official letters: Nos. 1405-1411 (AD 210-Early 4th century) [1] [2]
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No. 1405. Rescript of Severus: Application to a Strategus 13.7 x 7.5 cm. 3rd century AD. (p.1)
This papyrus, written in a small cursive hand,
is an application to a strategus by a man who had been appointed to the
office of collector of money-taxes in a village of the Oxyrhynchite
nome, and proposed to evade the duty by giving up his property in
accordance with an Imperial rescript, of which a copy is prefixed, It
is closely parallel to B.G.U.473 (M. Chrest. 375), which contains part
of the beginning of what was no doubt a similar application to a
third-century strategus, preceded by a rescript of Septimius Severus
and Caracalla concerning the cessio bonorum. In B.G.U.473 the
right-hand half of the lines is missing, and No.1405 also is
incomplete, having lost the earlier part of the rescript and the end of
the application.
The strategus, Aurelius Leonides, who is mentioned in No.890, a
3rd century AD letter without a date, held office in the third year of
an unnamed emperor, who on palaeographical grounds probably belonged to
the period from Elagabalus to Valerian, so that the rescript, which is
dated in Pharmouthi of the 8th year of, probably, a joint reign (cf. 1.
8 ταμεῖον ἡμῶν), would in any case appear to have been issued by
Severus and Caracalla; the fact that its date coincides in respect of
the month and number of the regnal year with the date of the parallel
rescript in B. G. U. 473 leaves little room for doubt as to the reign.
1405 in any case provides another specimen of the θεῖαι διατάξεις
referred to in Ὁ. P.R. 20 (W. Chrest. 402), which supplies the chief
evidence concerning the cessio bonorum as a means of evading liturgies;
cf. Mitteis’s commentary, Jouguet, Vze municipale, 412-15, and 1416. 6
and 1642, which also bear on this subject. ᾿ς While the rescript in B.
G. U. 473 appears, so far as it can be reconstructed, to be mainly a
guarantee in general terms to some individual that the renuncia-tion of
his property would exempt him from further claims (cf. Mitteis, Hermes,
; B 651), (p.2) .
While the rescript in No.1405 evidently provided some more interesting
details, it is too incomplete to be at all clear. The recipient had
been appointed to a liturgy, the nature of which depends on the
restoration of the critical 1. 6: perhaps it was a municipal office of
some kind, as in C.P.R. 20 and 1642; but the date of the rescript (AD
200) is apparently a year or two earlier than the establishment of
senates in Egypt (cf. 1406. int.). He seems to have proposed to cede
his property to the Imperial fiscus instead of performing the duty; but
his proposition was declined by the Emperors, who awarded the property
to his nominator and made this person responsible for the liturgy, at
the same time guaranteeing the recipient of the rescript against loss
of status and corporal punishment.
The application to the strategus which follows throws some new light on
the methods of appointing collectors of money-taxes in villages. In the
2nd century AD they were usually chosen by lot by the epistrategus
from lists supplied to the strategus by the comarchs or other village
officials nominating two persons for each vacancy .... Here, however,
the use of the term antonomasthai (line
17) and the absence of a title after the name of the nominator indicate
that he was himself a praktor, so that the procedure was somewhat
similar to that exemplified in No. 1642 (AD 289), where an agoranomus
by the command of the praefect nominates his successor, and P. Flor. 2.
vii (W. Chrest. 401; A.D. 265), where comarchs nominate their
successors and the strategus appoints.
The writer denied the justice of the selection, and was prepared to
abandon his property to his nominator. The papyrus breaks off at the
point where he was proceeding to make a declaration about his poros
(πόρος; 1ine 26, note), probably in order to show that it was below the
required amount. So far as can be judged, both the renunciation
mentioned in the rescript and that referred to in the application
concerned the whole property.... It is noteworthy that in P. Ryl. 75,
which is also concerned with ekstaseis of property, though not for the
purpose of avoiding public burdens, the whole poros seems to have been ceded ....
Translation from Greek: (pp.3-4)
‘,.. you ceded (your property) ..., it is clear that the cession was
made not to our Treasury but to the person who nominated you to the
office, who having taken possession of your property will provide the
rest of the ... and fulfil the duties of the office; for our Treasury
does not desire such cessions. Your citizenship, however, will in no
way be injured thereby, nor will you be subjected to corporal
punishment. Published at Alexandria in the 8th year, Pharmouthi. To
Aurelius Leonides, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aemilius
Stephanus son of Hatres and Tasorapis, from the village of Sinkepha
[1]. To-day I learnt that I had been nominated as his successor by
Aurelius Amois son of Patas and Demetrous, of the said village, for the
office of collector of the village money-dues [2] of the said Sinkepha
for the present 3rd year, as being a person of means and suitable. This
is unreasonable and (p.4) contrary to the just apportionment of the
liturgy, so that I resign my property to him in accordance with the
Imperial decree cited above, and declare that 1... .
notes:
1. Sinkepth (Σιγκέφα) is a village in the ano Toparchia (ἄνω τοπαρχία): cf. No.1285.
2. The amount of the property-qualification in extant papyri concerning
πράκτορες ἀργυρικῶν in villages ranges from 700 drachmae to 3 talents
and 3,200 drachmae.
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No. 1406. Edict OF Caracalla Concerning Senators. 10.2 x 9.4 cm. AD 213-17. Plate 1. (p.4)
This short edict of Caracalla has lost the ends of lines, but the sense
is clear. Senators who assault or use unseemly language towards the
president or other members of their body are to be deprived of their
rank. Senates were first instituted in the nome-capitals by Septimius
Severus about AD 202, as at Alexandria (cf. Wilcken, Grundz. 41), and
their meetings, for reports of which see Nos.1413-15, are likely to
have been rather turbulent, at any rate in the early days. (p.5) The
date of the edict, which was published at some other town than
Alexandria, perhaps Babylon ..., is defined, not, as usual, by the
consuls or regnal year, but by reference to a local official, who was
apparently described as enagios archon (évapyos ἄρχων) and was an
inhabitant of Heliopolis .... The occurrence of Germanicus Maximus
among the Emperor’s titles indicates that the edict was not issued
earlier than the autumn of AD 213. This copy may perhaps be a few years
later, but was probably written before the end of the reign. ...
Translation from Greek: (p.5)
"Proclamation [1] of the Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Severus
Antoninus Parthicus Maximus Britannicus Maximus Germanicus Maximus Pius
Augustus. If a senator strike or censure [in an unseemly manner] the
[prytanis] or another senator, he shall be deprived of his rank and set
in a position of dishonour. Published at B[abylon?]in the public
colonnade, the magistrate in office being Aurelius Alexander son of
..., of Heliopolis."
notes:
1. Imperial edicts in papyri usually give the date of publication (p.6)
at Alexandria.... The mention of Heliopolis in line 13 as the place of
origin of the magistrate indicates an Egyptian place-name here, and
supports Babylon, which was in the Heliopolite nome according to
Ptolemy. Of towns beginning with K, Kanopos was the most important, but
was far from Heliopolis; Kerchcontra (Strabo, p. 806) or Kerkasopos
(Herodotus ii. 15) was in the Letopolite nome opposite Heliopolis, but
does not seem a likely place for the publication of the edict, which
may have been issued during Caracalla’s visit to Egypt in AD 215....
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No. 1408. Report of a Trial: Circular and Edict of a Praefect. 41 x 25 cm. About AD 210-14. (p.11)
The recto of this papyrus contains a taxing-list concerning State lands
in the Arsinoite nome (No.1446). On the verso of No.1408 in a large,
almost uncial hand is a nearly complete broad column, containing (1)
the conclusion of a report of a trial concerning a surety before
Sopater, an official whose rank is not stated, (2) a circular of the
praefect Juncinus to the strategi of the Heptanomia and (p.12)
Arsinoite nome concerning the suppression of robbers, enclosing (3) an
edict on the same subject for publication (cf. No.1100 and B.G.U.
646). This edict was continued in the next column, which is lost, and
at least one column .... of the report of the trial is missing.
Juncinus is known from P. Giessen 40. ii. 14 to have been in office on
Mecheir 4 of the 21st year of Caracalla (Jan. 29, 213) after Subatianus
Aquila, who apparently was still praefect on Epeiph 29 of the 18th year
(July 23, 210; cf. P. Flor. 6), and before Septimius Heraclitus, who
had entered office by Phamenoth 20 of the 23rd year (March 16, 215; cf.
B.G.U. 362. vii. 8). The circular of Juncinus is dated in 1, 21 Phaophi
28 (Oct. 25), and the missing number of the regnal year therefore
ranged from 19 to 23. As in B.G.U.15, which bears a formal resemblance
to No.1408, the trial (lines 2-10) seems to have no connexion with the
following edict, and may have taken place some years earlier.
The contending parties were Tryphon, whom the judge speaks of as
axiologotatos and who perhaps had occupied some official position, and
on the other hand Asclepiades and apparently his father, who had become
mutual sureties for Tryphon in connexion with the payment of a fine
(prostimon). The exaction of this was imminent, and Asclepiades wished
to go away for a time, probably to present an appeal to the praefect
(line 7, n.); but to this proceeding Tryphon objected, and the ultimate
decision was that Asclepiades should return within fifteen days and pay
to Tryphon the full amount of the surety in question.
Where the trial took place and whether Sopater was a local official
(e.g. strategus of the Arsinoite nome) or an Alexandrian magistrate
(e.g. archidicastes) are not clear. He may be identical with
Julius Sopater, epistrateyesas, in No.226. The beginnings of lines are
lost throughout, and in most cases a few letters at the ends are
wanting....
The circular of Juncinus (lines 11-21) concerning the publication of
his edict is couched in a severe tone, the word kindunos occurring
thrice. Evidently Egypt was in a disturbed condition at this period
owing to organized bands of robbers,
as in the time of Marcus Aurelius, when the praefect M. Sempronius
Liberalis (p.14) dealt with the subject in an edict extant in B.G.U.
372. Juncinus’ edict opened with general reflexions upon the shelter
afforded to criminals (lines 22-26).
Translation from Greek: (p.14)
"... Asclepiades said, ‘Grant me.. days.'
"Sopater said, 'Fifteen will suffice for you.'
"Tryphon said, 'On this condition, however, that if payment is demanded
from me before the end of the period, I shall have the right of arrest
against him.'
"Sopater said, 'That is completely provided for you, even without a
petition and a memorandum, by the declaration, the undertaking of the
surety, and the trustworthy note of hand on behalf of the father.'
"Asclepiades said, 'So far as my share is concerned.'
"Tryphon said, 'The [two?] are mutual sureties, for there is one appeal and one fine.'
"Sopater said to Asclepiades, 'Take care that you return within the
fifteen days and pay in the whole amount of the fine, as your surety
for it is mutual, in order that the most estimable Tryphon may have the
security.'
"Baebius Juncinus to the strategi of the Heptanomia and Arsinoite nome,
greeting. I have already in a previous letter ordered you to search out
robbers with every care, warning you of the peril of neglect, and now I
wish to confirm my decision by a decree, in order that all inhabitants
of Egypt may know that I am not treating this duty as an affair of
secondary importance, but offer rewards to those of you who co-operate,
and on the other hand expose to peril those who choose to disobey. The
said decree I desire to be made public in both the capitals and the
most important places of the nomes, penalties including personal risk
being laid upon you if in the future evil-doers are enabled to use
violence without being detected. I hope for your health. The.. year,
Phaophi 28. Proclamation of Lucius Baebius Aurelius Juncinus, praefect
of Egypt. That it is impossible to exterminate robbers apart from those
who shelter them is evident to all, but when they are deprived of their
helpers we shall quickly punish them. There are many methods of giving
them shelter: some do so because they are partners in their misdeeds,
others without sharing in these yet ... "
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No.1409. Circulars of a Strategus and Diocetes 21.4 x 28.3 cm. AD 278. (p.16)
This fairly well=preserved papyrus consists of a short letter
from the strategus to the dekaprotoi (cf. No. 1410) of the Oxyrhynchite
nome (lines 1-6 and 23), enclosing for their information a copy of a
circular addressed to the strategi and dekaprotoi of the Heptanomia and
Arsinoite nome by the dioecetes, Ulpius Aurelius, concerning the
repairing of the dykes and canals in view of the approaching inundation
(lines 7-22).
For this purpose a general corvée was apparently imposed on all
cultivators (lines 9—10, note), and in addition to the control to be
exercised by the strategi and dekaprotoi special supervisors were to be
appointed in accordance with custom (lines 12-15). The exaction of a
money payment in place of personal service was forbidden in a strongly
worded injunction, (lines 19-22), which is probably the main point of
the circular, but the relation of this injunction to the various
imposts in connection with the repairs of dykes and canals known from
earlier papyri is not very clear.
The evidence concerning forced labour on the embankments is summarized
by Wilcken, Grundz. 334-8; the working of the principles laid down in
No.1409 is well illustrated by No. 1469, a petition written twenty
years later by the comarchs of a village to the acting-praefect, which
shows the difficulties arising from the multiplication of officials.
Except perhaps Nos. 58 and 474, where the rank of the high officials
Servaeus Africanus and Plautius Italus is not stated, No. 1409 is the
only extant circular of a Roman dioecetes. Its style and treatment of
the subject recall the more lengthy exhortations of the Ptolemaic
dioecetae to officials in P.Par.63 and Tebt.27. The direction of public
works, as well as finance, fell within their province, as is shown by
the Petrie papyri; but by the middle of the third century AD the
katholikos (cf. 1410) seems to have become the chief finance minister,
and the continuance of the office of dioecetes is not attested beyond
the time of Carinus. Ulpius Aurelius, who may have been the immediate
predecessor of Aurelius Proteas (Nos. 1115 and 1412, six years later),
was thus one of the latest holders of the office. ....
Translation from Greek: (p.18)
"Aurelius Harpocration, strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome, to the
decemprimi of the nome, greeting. A copy of the circular letter written
to us, the strategi and decemprimi of the Heptanomia and Arsinoite
nome, by his highness the dioecetes, Ulpius Aurelius, concerning the
building up of the dykes and the cleansing of the canals is sent to
you, dear friends, in order that you may be informed and follow his
instructions. The one of you who is the first to receive this missive
should communicate it to the rest. I pray for your health, dear
friends."
"The 3rd year of our lord Marcus Aurelius Probus Augustus, Pharmouthi
[.]. Ulpius Aurelius to the strategi and decemprimi of the Heptanomia
and Arsinoite nome, greeting. The season for the building up of the
dykes and the cleansing of the canals having arrived, I thought it
necessary to announce to you by this letter that all the cultivators
and .. . ought now to build these up with all zeal on the .. .
belonging to them, with a view to both the public gain of all and their
own private advantage. For I am persuaded that every one is aware of
the benefit resulting from these works."
"Therefore let it be the care of you, the strategi and decemprimi, both
to urge all to devote themselves to this most necessary labour [1], and
to see that the overseers usually elected for the purpose are chosen
from magistrates or private persons, who will compel every one to
perform his proper work by personal service, according to the rule
given in the constitution of the appointment, with no malice or favour,
so that the dykes are raised to the ordained height [2] and breadth and
the breaches are filled up, in order that they may be able to withstand
the flood of the most sacred Nile auspiciously approaching, and that
the canals are cleansed up to the so-called standards and the usual
width [2], in order that they may easily contain the coming influx of
water for the irrigation of the fields, this being for the common weal,
and that absolutely no money [3] is exacted from any one in place of
work. "
"If any one dare to attempt exactions or neglect these orders, let him
know that not only his property but his life will be at stake for
injuring measures designed for the safety of the whole of Egypt. I pray
for your health. The 3rd year... Presented by Aurelius Silvanus,
assistant, in the 3rd year, Pharmouthi 6."
notes: (p.19)
1. At this period .... a village as a whole was made responsible for providing the necessary labour.
2. The gnomones here seem to be poles for measuring the depth of canals, corresponding to hypos in line 16.
3. In the 2nd and early 3rd centuries AD three kinds of money-payments
connected with dykes are known: (1) the Naubion (e.g. No.1486.), (2)
the Chomatikon (No.1438), and (3) Penthemerops onon (P.Ryl.195). (p.20)
How far the system of taxation in Egypt was altered between the reigns
of Severus Alexander and Diocletian, who introduced extensive changes,
is still obscure owning to the paucity of evidence; and perhaps by the
time of Probus the government had become much stricter than formerly in
enforcing compuslory labor, as is also sugested by the apparently
comprehensive character of the corvee enjoined in lines 9-10.
We are not inclined to think that the diocetes was referring either to
the naubion impost, which used to be levied on landowners at the rate
of 100 copper drachma per aura upon katakoi and 150 drachma upon
enaphesioi;.... [the latter] were probably holders of kleurchike and
idiotke ge, and was classed with artabia as one of the gnesia
demosia...., or to the chomatikon, which was paid by dwellers in the
metropoleis as well as by those in villages, and was levied at a
uniform rate of 6 drachma, 4 obols apart from prosdiagraphomena. The
penthemerops onon cannot have effected persons who did not own asses,
and being rarely mentioned does not seem to have been a far-reaching
impost.
The bulk of the corvée must at all times have fallen upon cultivators
of Basilike ge (βασιλικὴ γῆ) or landless persons, and if the naubion
and chomatikon imposts survived unchanged to the reign of Probus,
probably they were not affected by this circular, which seems to be
directed mainly against irregular exactions of money in place of
personal service. Payments by individuals of varying amounts for naubia
occur in the fourth century AD (P. Gen. 65), and in P. Flor. 346 (fifth
century) there is mention of ..... [similar payments], so that
money-payments in connection with the repairs of embankments in any case
continued to be exacted in Byzantine times.
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No. 1410. Edict of a Catholicus. 13.5 x 7.8 cm. Early 4th century AD. (p.20)
An order, of which the conclusion is wanting, issued on the authority
of the catholicus, Magnius (?) Rufus, making it illegal to reimpose the
office of decemprimus upon persons who had held that position since a
particular year of two unnamed Emperors.
From the handwriting the papyrus appears to belong to the early part of
the fourth century AD, but there may well have been an interval between
the date mentioned in line 5 and the actual date of the papyrus, which
was probably stated in the missing lower portion. Owing partly to the
uncertainty with regard to the reading of the figure in the first of
the two regnal years mentioned, partly to the difficulties of
chronology in the period from 305 to 323, it is not quite clear which
Emperors are meant, but probably in line 5 the 8th year refers to
Maximian and the 1st to Galerius (and Constantius), ie. AD 292-3, and
the omission of Diocletian’s regnal year (which was one in advance of
Maximian’s) is to be explained by the supposition that No. 1410 was
written during 305-13 after his abdication, when Egypt was governed by
Maximinus Daza who belonged to the Herculian faction.....
The δεκάπρωτοι, who were introduced into Egypt by Septimius Severus
together with the βουλαί, and were generally, perhaps always, senators,
had arduous duties as collectors of revenue both in corn (e.g. No.1444)
and money (e.g. No.1442). ....
It has generally been supposed that the
tenure of the office was one year .... No.1410 does not state
definitely the length of their tenure, but implies that re-election was
customary; and the apparent interval of twelve years or more between
the date of the papyrus and the year when the δεκάπρ. in question
entered office rather suggests that the normal tenure was longer than a
year. ...[and] a five-years’ tenure for δεκάπρ. in Egypt is the most
probable. Apart from No.1410, they are not mentioned in papyri later
than the reign of Diocletian, and Gelzer supposes that they disappeared
when in AD 307-310 the new division of the nomes into mayo. was
substituted for the toparchies with which the dexdmp. were connected.
The present regulation therefore probably indicates an important,
perhaps the principal, step on the way towards the abolition of the
office.
Translation from Greek: (p.22)
"On the authority of Magnius Rufus [1], the most illustrious catholicus
of the praefecture of Egypt and Libya. Decemprimi from the 8th which
equals the 1st year must not be renominated by any one to the office of
decemprimus; for it is necessary that in future they should be
protected from being appointed again to the duties of that office,
having once discharged them. Any person who has been reappointed
decemprimus once more. . .’
notes:
1. Magnius Rufus: a procurator in Spain called P. Magnius Rufus
Magonianus is known from C.I.L. ii.2029, and a procurator of Neapolis
by Alexandria in AD 247-8 called Magnius Rufinianus, probably a
relative, occurs in B.G.U. 8. Our catholicus may well have
belonged to the same family.
2. The addition of Libya to Egypt in the title of the catholicus is
new.... Libya seems to have been united to Egypt by about AD 300.... On
the subsequent varying relationship of the two provinces see J.
Maspero, Organisation militaire de Egypt 23-5.
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No. 1411. Proclamation of a Strategus . 21.6 x 12.5 cm. AD 260 (p.23)
This interesting document is a notice issued by the strategus
Ptolemaeus also called Nemesianus, ordering bankers and all other
persons engaged in commercial transactions to accept the new Imperial
coinage. The papyrus belongs to about the middle of the third century
AD, and a strategus of that name is known from No.1555 to have been in
office at Oxyrhynchus under Macrianus and Quietus, who held Egypt
during nearly all the 8th and part of the 9th year of Gallienus (cf.
No.1476). To their brief reign accordingly No.1411 also is in all
probability to be referred....
The order was called forth by complaints of the demosioi (line 2, note)
that the proprietors of banks of exchange (kollubistikai trapezai) were
closing their doors in preference to accepting the coin; and the
trouble was apparently not new, for the strategus alludes in Lines
18-20 to a praefectorial edict or edicts previously issued on the same
subject.
There had been a steady deterioration in the coinage of Egypt, in the
size of the coins as well as in the quality of the metal, and it is not
surprising that attempts were made to discriminate, and some
disinclination was shown to accept the θεῖον νόμισμα at its face value.
It may be noticed in this connexion that in several contracts of about
this period the money specified is old Ptolemaic silver ; as has been
suggested by Wessely (Mitth. Pap. Rain., iv. 144 sqq.), the disrepute
of the later Imperial issues may well have assisted the survival of the
ancient coin. In the present case the dubious character of the claim of
Macrianus and Quietus to the Imperial titles (they perished in the
attempt to obtain Italy) may well have been an additional cause of the
reluctance in Egypt to accept their coinage. On the verso is a list of
utensils (1654) in a different hand.
translation from Greek: (p.24)
"From Aurelius Ptolemaeus also called Nemesianus, strategus of the
Oxyrhynchite nome. Since the officials [1] have assembled and accused
the bankers of the banks of exchange [2] of having closed them on
account of their unwillingness to accept the divine coin of the
Emperors, it has become necessary that an injunction should be issued
to all the owners of the banks to open them, and to accept and exchange
all coin except the absolutely spurious and counterfeit, and not to
them only, but to all who engage in business transactions of any kind
whatever, knowing that if they disobey this injunction they will
experience the penalties already ordained for them in the past by his
highness the praefect [3]. Signed by me. The 1st year, Hathur 28."
notes:
1. officials: it has been disputed whether the demosioi, who often
appear in papyri of the third-fourth centuries, are simply ‘officials’
in general (.... or Phulakes and other minor police-officials .... or
the presbutereoi as well as the archephodoi and lower
police-officials, but not the comogrammateis or tax-collectors.) In
P.Brit.1247, the prokimenoi demosioi includes the comarchs (cf.
No.1246), who were by no means limited to police duties, besides other
persons whose rank was not stated in No.1247.
2. banks of exchange: .... On the whole we are disposed to think that
banks of exchange (kollubistikon trapezon) probably like the Ptolemaic
amoibika trapezon were contrasted with banks which did not undertake
money-changing, perhaps the chrematistikai, and that, if the private
banks (idiotikai trapezoi) were different from the epitepoumenai, the
κολλ. tp. belonged to the former class.
3. Since Ptolemaeus also called Nemesianus is known from No.1555 to
have been strategus under Macrianus and Quietus .... [this] would
imply an unusually long period of office for this strategus, three
years being apparently the normal duration of their tenure ....
Footnotes:
1. [Editor's Note:] The original textual commentaries and notes provided by Grenfell and Hunt on
passages in Greek, and on some bibliographic references, have sometimes been abbreviated or omitted, if not essential to
understanding the content of the papyri documents. Any such omissions
are marked with "....", and any added words needed for clarity are
placed between brackets [ ]. These elisions are separate from those
used by Grenfell and Hunt in the translated text, which have not been
altered.
2. [Editor's Note:] References to all other papyri from the Oxyrhynchus
collections are given with their sequential number as "No. xxx" or "Oxy.xxx".
Abbreviations to other papyri collections and standard historical
references used by Grenfell and Hunt include the following:
Appian = Appian of Alexandria (AD 95-165) was a Greek historian.
Archiv.= Archiv fur Papyrusforschung.
B.G.U. = Aeg. Urkunden aus den K. Museum zu Berlin, Griechische Urkunden.
Cassius Dio = The History by Lucius Cassius Dio (AD 165-235), Roman historian.
C.I.G. = Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, founded by August Bockh 1824-1860.
C.I.L. = Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, begun by Theodore Mommson in 1847.
Cod. Just.= Codex Justinianus, the legal code of Justinian I, instituted AD 527.
Cod. Theod.= Codex Theodosianus, the legal code of Theodosius II from AD 438.
C. P. Herm. = Corpus Papyrorum Hermopolitanorum, Vol. I, by C. Wessely.
C.P.R. = Corpus Papyrorum Raineri, by C. Wessely.
Euseb.Chron. = The Chronicle by Eusebius of Caesarea (AD 260-339).
Griech. Texte = Griechische Texte aus Aegypten, by P. M. Meyer.
Josephus Ant.Jud. = Antiquities of the Jews by Flavius Josephus (AD 37-100)
M. Chrest. = L. Mitteis, Chrestomathie.
Marcellinus =The late Roman historian Ammianus Marcellinus (ca.330-400 AD).
O.G.I. = Orientis Graecae Inscriptiones selectae, by W. Dittenberger.
P. Amh. = The Amherst Papyri (Greek), Vols. I-II, by B.P.Grenfell and A.S.Hunt.
P. Basel = Papyrusukunden der offentlichen Bibliot.U.Basel, by E. Rabel.
P. Brit.Mus. = Greek papyri in the British Museum, vol.I-II by F.G. Kenyon.
P. Cairo = Catalog of the Greek Papyri in the Cairo Museum,by Grenfell & Hunt.
P. Cairo Maspero = Catalogue des Antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire, Papyrus grecs d’époque byzantine, by J. Maspero.
P. Cairo Preisigke = Griech.Urkunden des Aeg. Mus. zu Cairo, by F. Preisigke.
P. Fay. = Fayum Towns & Their Papyri by B.P.Grenfell, A.S.Hunt, & D.S.Hogarth
P. Flor. = Papiri Fiorentini, Vol. 1, by G. Vitelli.
P. Gen. = Les Papyus de Geneve, by J. Nicole.
P. Giessen = Griechische Papyri zu Giessen; E. Kornemann, O. Eger, & P. Meyer.
P. Goodsp. = Greek Papyri from the Cairo Museum, &c., by E. J. Goodspeed. .
P.
Grenf. = Greek Papyri, Ser. 1 by B.P. Grenfell, and Ser. II by Grenfell and Hunt
P. Hibeh = The Hibeh Papyri by B.P Grenfell and A.S. Hunt
P. Iande = Papyri Iandanae, by E. Shafer et al.
P. Leipzig = Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig by I Mitteis.
P. Leyden = Papyri Graeci Musei Antiquarii Lugduni-Batavi, by C. Leemans.
P. Lille = Papyrus grecs de Lille, by P. Jouguet, J. Lesquier, and others. .
P. Munich = Versffentlichungen aus der Papyrussammlung zu Miinchen, Part I, by A. Heisenberg and L. Wenger. .
P. Oxy. = The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, parts 1-13, by B.P. Grenfell and A.S. Hunt.
P. Par. = Les Papyrus grecs du Musée du Louvre, Wotices et Extraits, t. xviii. 2, by W. Brunet de Presle and E. Egger.
P. Petrie = The Flinders Petrie Papyri, by J.P. Mahaffy and J.G. Smyly.
P. Reinach = Papyrus grecs et demotiques, by T. Reinach et al.
P. Rev.Laws = The Revenue Laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus, by B.P. Grenfell.
P. Ryl. = Catalog of the Greek Papyri in the Rylands Library, by J. de
M. Johnson, V. Martin, and A.S.
Hunt.
P.S.I. = Papiri della Societa Italiana, by G. Vitelli et al.
P. Strassb. = Griech. Papyrus der K.Univ.bibliotheck zu Strassburg by F.Preisigke.
P. Stud. Pal. = Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyruskunde, by C. Wessely
P. Tebt. = The Tebtunis Papyri, by B.P. Grenfell, A.S. Hunt, et al.
P. Thead.= Papyrus de Théadelphie, by P. Jouguet. Preisigke, S. P.
Plin.Nat.Hist. = The Natural History by Gaius Plinus Secundus (AD 23-79).
Porphyry = Porphyry of Tyre (AD 234-305) was a Neoplatonic philospher.
SB. = Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten, by F. Preisigke.
W. Chr. = Crestomathie, by U. Wilcken.
Wilcken, Ost. = Griechische Ostraka, by U. Wilcken.
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