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Excavations on the west slope of the Acropolis. III. Finds in the area of Dionysion (pp.265-286).
In
the second report on the excavations on the western slope of the
Acropolis, it is already noted that in those layers which must be
attributed to the ancient sanctuary of Dionysus, only sherds were
found, and in great abundance, while remains of sculpture and
inscriptions were found only in the upper layers belonging to the
gathering house of the Iobakchen came to light (Ath.Mitt.1895
p. 175). These will be briefly discussed here, beginning with the
pieces related to the cults practiced at this point. For the most
important of these finds, the large inscription of the Iobacchi,
reference is made to the detailed treatment by Sam Wide in these
communications from 1894, p. 248 ff.
The marble altars
discovered in the apse of the Hall of the Iobakchi have already been
mentioned (above 1895, p. 179). Both originally belonged to a different
god, for the inscription on both has been erased. The round altar [1]
is profiled above and below and decorated with three bucrania to which
garlands of fruit are attached. Above the garlands the space is filled
twice by rosettes, the third time by the inscription, which later has
been made completely illegible. Height 96cm, top diameter (with
profile) 67cni. In the rough-pointed, trimmed upper surface, there is a
rectangular indentation 40 cm long, 30 cm wide, 4 cm deep; a metal
attachment was probably once embedded in it, as i.e. the Athenian
(p.266) altar of Aphrodite and the Charites (cf. Reisch in
Pauly-Wissowas Realencyclopädie
I S. 1677). There is a drill hole on each side of the inscription, just
below the profile. The right one is 3cm deep; in the left an iron pin
is cast with lead. The scheme of decoration with bucrania,
garlands, and rosettes is very common; the work low.
The quadrangular
altar (plate 9) [2], profiled above and below, tapers slightly towards the top;
Height 1.02", width 51-49cm (without profile), depth 48-45cm. The upper
surface is only roughly sharpened except for a rim fitting. The altar
was originally only decorated with the inscription; the side surfaces
were left rough and only provided with smooth edge fittings. In its
reuse, the inscription became:
K O R UTROPHOS
PARA
A R T E M I N
hastily
erased and very flat reliefs attached to the other three sides, some of
which have remained unfinished. Their later origin stems from the fact
that they were roughly cut into the surfaces that had been carefully
prepared with a notched chisel and even overlapped the rim fitting.
The
inscription (height of the letters 4 cm) is archaic in the form of the
R and in that O is set twice for OY; it belongs to the Hadrianic epoch,
from which several examples of this fashion have survived (C.I.A.
III 70. "Deltion" 1889 p. 125 a). The owner of the altar, the
Kurotrophos, is more closely defined by the proximity to Artemis. Since
this was worshiped in a room of the Lobakchenhaus, as several finds of
the same name show, one can assume (p.267) that the altar was
originally erected in this area and was not dragged from far away from
the castle , as Maass suspected (Orpheus p. 17 note).
It
should also be noted that here, as always on the Attic inscriptions,
"Kourotrophos" appears as an independent name of the gods, not as an
epithet, a new testimony to Usener's view of Kurotrophos as a special
goddess (names of the gods, p. 124 ff). A much older one escaped Usener
himself: on a votive relief from the end of the 5th century, recently
found in the Dresden collection, Apollo is shown with the lyre between
Artemis and Leto and behind Leto a woman in chiton and cloak, holding a
torch in both hands , inscribed as "KOROTROPHOS" [3].
Plate 9: Quadrangular marble altar with reliefs of sacrifices of bulls, found in Dionysion.
The broad side opposite the side of the inscription
was brought to the front the second time it was used. Here the place of
sacrifice is shown towards which the groups mounted on the narrower
sides are striving; cf. Plate 9,2. A bull stands ready for sacrifice,
tied with a rope to the ring attached to the altar step. It is not
exactly in the middle, but is pushed close to the right edge. Further
down, on the left edge, in Exomis, a sacrificial servant is
slaughtering an animal in Mithra's usual position. The group is just as
undeveloped as the bull, so it is not easy to name the animal. Judging
by its whole shape and the crest of bristles on its back, it will be a
boar. This is no ordinary sacrifice to Dionysus, but there is some
evidence for it. Regarding the note by the Scholiast on Aristophanes
Fröschen 338, cited by Löschcke (Arch. Zeitung
1881 p. 31,10): θύουσιν έν τοΐς ρ.υστηρίοις του Διονύσου καί τής
Δήριητρος τόν χοίρον is now the prescription of the Koian calendar of
sacrifices Journal of Hellenic studies 1888 ( p.268) p. 335. Paton, Inscriptions of Cos p. 81 lines 46, 58, 62 to add: Διονύσω Σκυλλίτ^ χοίρος καί εριφος.
In the middle of this side there is a square hole of 12 cm square, which must be the result of a later use.
On
the narrow right side (Plate 9,3) the god to whom the sacrifice is made
is shown: Dionysus, drunk, supported by a satyr, accompanied by Pan,
jumping happily ahead and swinging the pedum. The group, pushed to the
far left, moves to the left, towards the place of sacrifice. The relief
is only level; one recognizes in it one of the numerous variations of
the group of Dionysos supported by one or two attendants, which has
become best known through the fragments of a fine statuary example in
Berlin (No. 96). Some sarcophagi, which Professor Robert kindly showed
me at my request, show that the group was familiar to Roman craftsmen
(cf. e.g. Museo Borbonico X Plate 28).
The
depiction on the narrow left side seems to be less common (Plate 9.1):
a ram tries to jump out on the way to the altar; a satyr blocks his
path and holds his horn, while another seizes his tail and raises the
pedum to strike. Both are youthful, the first, as usual, clad only in
the panther skin, the second clad in exomis, like e.g. B. the satyr in
the Berlin group no. 97 (Monum. dell' Inst.
IV Taf. 35). Above this scene, hidden by it up to the knee, appears
between two clumsy vines a maenad, who moves in a dance step to the
place of sacrifice, in the right the burning torch, in the left the
sacrificial basket or a similar object. The depiction, like that of the
corresponding narrow side, is pushed all the way to the edge to which
the front side with the two sacrificial scenes borders. The relief is
fairly well executed, only the left leg of the naked satyr has been
entirely forgotten. The depiction, like the group of the drunken
Dionysos or the sacrificial servant slaughtering the boar (p.269), is
not an invention of the maker. However, given the limited resources
that are available to me here, I cannot cite anything similar.
The following remnants of images of Dionysus were found:
1.
The upper part of a miniature herm of the well-known bearded type,
which is of course used just as well for Hermes. The face has broken
off. The piece had already been mended in antiquity, as evidenced by a
pin hole in the axis of the shaft. Height 11 cm.
Fig.2: A) Torso of Dionysos. b) Statuette of Artemis.
The right
lower leg of a statuette (AV. 66), next to which a tree trunk and a
panther are sketchily placed (height 18 cm) and four pieces of a tree
trunk entwined with vines (height 65 cm), probably also come from
images of the god.
p.270) A statuette of Pan. which later
belongs to the circle of Dionysos, I am adding here. The god is shown
standing, wrapped in a short cloak, in a well-known type (cf. e.g. Ath.Mitt.V, plate 12). Only the feet are missing. Height 63cm (A.V. 134).
The
replicas of tragic masks, some remains of which have been found, are
probably also to be regarded as votive gifts to Dionysus.
1.
Left eye and the overlying piece of forehead and hair from an
approximately life-size marble mask. Height of remains 20cm. Hollowed
inside.
2. Fragment of a terracotta mask. A pair of small wings
above the hair. The mask was closed smoothly at the back and a hole at
the top edge was used for hanging. In the place of the iris is a round
hole. The face and wings are pink, the hair dyed brown-red. Height of
remains 7cm.
3. Left eye with immediate vicinity of a similar but larger mask. Coated with red paint. Width 8cm.
4.
Mask complete except for the hair. The forehead is not contracted, as
in those mentioned, but smooth, the eye is not pierced, but the mouth
is wide open. The mask was open at the back. Height 6 cm.
Several pieces already mentioned by Dörpfeld testify to the cult of Artemis (Ath.Mitt. 1895, p.179). There are:
1.
A little altar, square, with a round bowl for the incense at the top,
with a 4 cm deep, 2.5 cm wide hole on the underside, as is often seen
on these small altars. It must have been used for attachment. Height
18cm, width 13cm. There are garlands on all four sides, with the
inscription on one side:
A P T E Μ I
Δ Ο Σ
E P E I Θ OY [The Y is within the O].
(p.271)
Artemis has the nickname Έρειθος = Έριθος in common with Apollo.
However, the only witness to this is the swindler Ptolemy Hephaestion
(Photios 190 p. 153 a 15 Bekker). But one may well believe him in this
case, since the nickname is irrelevant to the story he tells. Probably
the name of both gods means the same thing, the care of the field work;
έριθος is the field worker in Homer (Σ 550 and 560). If Maass (Orpheus
p. 17) prefers the later meaning of ή έ'ριθος, wool worker, found in
Sophocles (Fragm. Inach. 264 Nauck) and Theocritus (15, 80) and
recognizes in this Artemis a counterpart to Athena Ergane, this is
opposed to the fact that Artemis appears as the goddess of agriculture
(cf. Wernicke in Pauly-Wissowa II p. 1 343), but, as far as I can see,
not as the protector of women's work. The fact that Apollo bears the
same name also speaks for the other meaning. In any case, the reading
Έρίθιος at that passage of Ptolemy is protected by the altar
inscription against Otfried Müller's change: Έρυθίβιος and also the
epithet Έριθάσεος, which Apollo uses on an Attic inscription (C.I.A.
II 2, 841), is perhaps simpler to 'Έ ριθος attributed as to Έρυθί- βιος
(= defender of Mehlthaus), as Usener would like to do (Gods names p.
263).
There seems to be no reliable literary evidence for the cult of Artemis in the Athenian Λίαναι. That of Dörpfeld (Ath.Mitt.
1894 p.150) cited by the Scholiast on Callimachus Flymnos on Artemis
172: Λίαναι δήυ.ος Αττικής ένθα τιαάται ή ’Έρτε μις raises concerns
because Λίαναι appears here as an Attic demos. Also Maass reference
(loc. cit.) to the passage of Hesych s. v. Καλλίστη: ή έν Κεραρ,εικω
ίδρυαε'νη Εκάτη, ήν ένιοι 'Άρτεαιν λε'γουσιν does not help, since here
hardly anything else is meant than the sanctuary, which Pausanias is on
the way from the dipylon to the academy, i.e. in the outer Kerameikos
describes: I 29, 2 περίβολός έστιν Άρτέρ/.ιδος καί ξόανα 'Αρίστης καί
Καλλίστης' ώς ρ„έν εγώ δοκώ. . . " τής Άρτέαιδός είσιν. (p.272)
έπικλήσεις αύταΓ λεγόμενον δέ καί άλλον ες αΰτάς λόγον είδώς ύπερβ
ήσομαι. This other λόγος is probably the designation of this goddess as
Hecate.
However, it is well known how often Artemis was worshiped in damp lowlands, Λίμναι (cf. the compilation by Wernicke loc.
a 0 p. 1392) and how often she is connected with Dionysus, at least in
the Peloponnese and in Attica (ibid. p. 1364 ). in Sparta, just like in
Athens, Artemis and Dionysos were worshiped in the quarter Λίμναι
(Strabo VIII 363) and in Sekyon the sanctuary of Artemis Λιμναία was
close to the temple of Dionysos (Paus. II 7,6).
2. A statuette of Artemis in the type of Artemis of Versailles (A. V. 124). (fig.2B)
Fine
grain marble. Height without base 98 cm, with this 108 cm. Only the
head and the arms of Artemis and some of her robes and the deer and dog
are missing. The arms were specially worked and tapped into square
holes (p.272) in which plaster [1] was still stuck. The surface is only
worked with a rasp, on the two animals only with a chisel. The back is
neglected. The colors are very well preserved; it is same red and a
bluish black related. The hair was yellow after a few traces on the
tuft hanging behind. The two garment pieces have on all edges two broad
stripes, one yellow on the outside and one red on the inside bordered
in black. The hunting boots are yellow, the falling spikes on the upper
edge and the trimmings running down the front are red. Small circles
and lines are drawn in black on both sides of the trimmings, as are
those on the toes. dog and deer are yellow; the eyes are outlined in
black, and the iris is also indicated in black. Red on the dog's mouth.
The rock-like base is painted with the three colors mixed up. The
bareness and bulk of the robe show no trace of color.
For the question recently raised by R. Dussaud (Revue arch.
XXVIII, 1896, p. 60) whether the addition of Artemis of Versailles is
correct, the new piece is of no decisive importance since it lacks a
head, neck and arms. Only so much emerges from the direction of the
forelock that the head was about as moved as it is added there, perhaps
turned less strongly to the right shoulder. In any case, he did not
follow, as Dussaud would like, the direction in which the goddess
hurries forward and, according to his supplementary proposal, has just
fired the bow. A final judgment on this proposal is impossible without
examining the original. However, one can say that what has been
preserved according to the sketch communicated by Dussaud, especially
the strongly (p.274) withdrawn and raised right arm, speaks for the
correctness of the old addition. This is also supported by a series of
imperial coins, which apparently more or less freely reproduce the type
of Versailles and all show the goddess drawing an arrow from the quiver
with her right hand (cf. Wernicke in Pauly-Wissowa II p. 1428).
The
well-preserved painting gives the newly found piece a certain interest,
otherwise it is a minor work, also crude in that the deer is not
intended as a companion of the goddess, but as a hunting animal that
the dog has just caught. I hardly need to go into Dussaud's assertion
that the deer, alongside the Versailles, is a kind of abbreviation of
that more complete hunting scene. Evidently what is meant here is the
sacred animal of the goddess, which, like Apollo, is so often
associated with her in Greek art. Moreover, as far as I can see, the
dog is found next to the hunted animal only in Roman works. To the
examples compiled by Stephani ( Compte-rendu 1869 p. 29 note 5) should be added a statuette in the Museum of Cherchel in Algiers (Gauckler, Musee de Cherchel Taf. 15,2) and a late funerary relief in Constantinople (porch of the Tschinili -kiöschk; illustrated Gazette arch. 1878 plate 3).
3.
A statuette that has remained unfinished and can therefore hardly be
counted among the furnishings of the sanctuary (A. V 140). Height 25cm.
It is a standing figure in a short chiton and a chlamys tied on the
right shoulder, shouldering a thick staff in the left, stretching out
the right arm a little. The female gender is not clear, but it is
evident from the diadem.
The furnishings of the Lobakchenhaus
probably included four small square incense altars, two of which bear
inscriptions. The one otherwise unadorned (A. V. 151) shows a
dedication to Hadrian:
Σ] W T Η P I K A I
ΚΤΙΣΤΗ
AYTOKPAT OP|
A Δ P I A N W
ΟλYΜΠI /
(p.275) Height 23cm, width 17cm. In the bottom right of center a drill hole, 3cm wide, 4cm deep.
A
second (A. V. 73) is adorned in front with two Pan figures (fig.3A)
which stand next to each other on a sculpted floor, one naked, blowing
the syrinx, the other wrapped in a cloak, holding the syrinx in his
hanging hand. Height 3.0 m, width 16 cm, depth 1 lcm. Here, too, there
is a square hole on the underside, 2.5 cm wide and 3 cm deep. The
marble on the bowl intended to hold the incense has been burnt; Remains
of red paint on the figures as well as on the ground. Under the Pan
figures is the inscription:
Eίσιας Διοδώρου
έκ. Λαριπτρεων
Μητρί Θεών
κατ' επιταγήν. Πάντα
Θεόν σερζ-νύνοριεν.
(p.276)
The written forms are late. The name of the donor is probably to be
read Eίσιάς and to be taken as female, since the male name Εΐσίας is
very rare, the female name Εϊσιάς very common (cf. e.g. a small votive
tablet to Zeus Hypsistos from the Pnyx (C.I.A.
III 155). The final sentence, which follows the well-known formula κατ'
επιταγήν, is very strange: 'we worship every god'. This is a creed that
arose from the religious idea that brought about the consecration to
‘all gods’ and the summarization of all gods into the pantheos (cf.
Usener, Götternamen p. 344
ff.). There is no doubt that the decoration of the altar with two
figures of Pan is not only based on Pan's close connection with the
mother of the gods (cf. p. 279), but is intended to illustrate that
creed. Since Antisthenes, the idea that Pan means τό παν has been
common in antiquity (cf. Usener loc. cit.
p. 347 and the literature cited there, note 43). But why are two Pan
figures of only slightly different shapes placed side by side? I know
of only two other examples of this odd duplication:
1.
A votive relief (fig.3C) in Munich, from the estate of
King Otto (Glyptothek 301), where the two panes stand in front of a
cave, separated by a pine tree and an altar in front of them, both with
the outer hand an erect one seizing the goat by the horns, the right
blowing the syrinx, the left shouldering the pedum; above the cave
three girls are dancing next to an ideation. E. Petersen gives a
description and a hardly tenable interpretation in Arch.-Epigr. Communications from Austria V p. 40.
2.
The relief fragment illustrated here (fig.3B), found at the Lysicrates
monument, formerly in the collection of the Ministry of Education
(Sybel 3748), now in the National Museum. Apparently it comes from a
replica of the relief in Munich.
In a lecture given at the
Munich philologists' meeting, Wissowa deduced the Attic origin of this
type from the relationships to the cults at the entrance to the
Acropolis and tried to explain the doubling of Pan (p.277) from the
fact that the god was there in two adjacent caves (cf. Negotiations p. 230 f.).
This
explanation is not entirely satisfactory and, as I hear, is no longer
maintained by its originator; so much is clear that it must be sought
in particulars of the cult of Pan. Admittedly, the poets (Theocrit IV
62, 63 ; according to the scholia on the passage already Aeschylus and
Sophocles) and perhaps also the people spoke of several panes (cf. the
curse in Aristophanes. Ekklesiaz. 1063 f.: ώ Ήράκ,λεις, ώ Πάνες, ώ
Κορύβαντες, ώ Διοσκόρω), but when Pan appears in his typical form, only
twice, on an altar and on votive reliefs, it cannot mean that purely
mythical people similar to the satyrs, but only the divinely revered
Pan. Thus these representations parellel the double Cybele pictures and
the archaic double picture of Athena ( Έφηριερίς άρχ. 1890 Taf. 1),
from which they differ only in that they group the two identical
figures into one picture and do not separate them from one another by
an architectural framework . The explanation of these monuments has not
yet been secured, but can perhaps be hoped for from a comprehensive
investigation (cf. Gerhard, Zwei Minerven. Mylonas, Έφηρ.ερίς άρχ. 1890 (p.278) p. 1 f. Foucart, Les associations religieuses chez le Grecs p. 100, 1. Friederichs-Wolters 1133).
All
the pieces discussed so far, which with some probability can be counted
among the furnishings of the Lobakchenhaus, are hardly older than the
Hadrianic epoch. Older and better ones are found among the pieces which
have no relation to the cults of Dionysus or Artemis, so it cannot be
determined whether they once stood in the lobakcheion, or with the
rubble sliding down from the surrounding heights, or by being carried
to them position. This is very likely for a number of Aphrodite
statuettes and Cybele images. Such things have been found in such
abundance in the entire city area that has now been uncovered that
Dörpfeld's assumption that they came from the sanctuaries of Aphrodite
Pandemos and the Mother of Gods, which are assumed to be nearby, is
very impressive. For the sanctuary of Pandemos see Dörpfeld in Ath.Mitt. 1895 p. 51.
Three of the Cybele portrayals deserve special mention.
Fig.5:
Cybele relief from 4th c. BC with secondary figures of Hermes and
Hekate, found on Dionysion and perhaps orginating from the sanctuary of
Aphrodite Pandemos in Athens.
The
second (A. V. 142), 45 cm high, 27 cm wide (fig.6A), deserves mention
because here, in addition to the two usual secondary figures at the top
of the left ante, Pan is also depicted in flat relief, standing and
blowing the syrinx. Pan as a companion of the mother gods already knows
Pindar (Pyth. 111, 78) and on the beautiful Tanagrean votive relief from the 5th century he appears next to her throne (Arch. Zeitung 38, pl. 18). Among the specimens compiled by Gonze (Arch. Zeitung
38, p. 1 ff.) there is none that shows Pan (p.280) on the pillar, but a
similar one, e.g. B. the local National Museum under No. 1 556. The
holes in the relief ground on both sides of the diadem, which probably
served to attach metal jewelry, can be found; e.g. also in a
piece found earlier in the Propylaea (Friederichs-Wolters 1133).
Fig.6: A) Cybele relief with Pan figure,
B) Small relief with double figures of Cybele. C) Marble Hecation with
dog figures. All found in Dionysion sanctuary, and possibly originating
from the sanctuary of Aprodite Pandemos in Athens.
The
third small and very fleeting copy (A. V. 144) (fig.6B) increases the
list of double Cybele reliefs (cf. Conze loc. a. 0. p. 3.
Friederichs-Wolters 1133. Δελτίον 1888 p. 38). Height 16 cm, width
13 cm. Both figures hold the bowl in their lowered right hand, while
those on the left hold the tympanum in their left hand. In the figure
on the right, the left arm is missing along with the entire rim, with
which the lion may have broken away.
In this connection a
Hecation of fine-grained marble (fig.6C), of very detailed work, with a
polished surface may also be mentioned (A. V. 137). height 23cm. The
heads are broken off. One figure holds two short torches, the second
torch and bowl, the third a whip and an attribute that has broken away.
Between the goddesses the foreparts of large dogs with their heads
turned are visible. On the round base one notices indistinct remains of
an ornament painted red, traces of red paint also on the dogs. The
attribute of the whip and the non-archaistic treatment of the robe,
despite the rigidity of the figures, refer the specimen to the second
group of Hekataia (p.281) according to Petersen's classification (Arch.-Epigraph. Mittheilungen aus Österreich
V p. 65 ff.) , which differs from the first group, which is
particularly widespread in Attica, by its more freely formed robe and
some remarkable attributes such as a snake, key, and whip. This appears
to be the first specimen of that genus found in Attica.
Here I will list the remaining sculpture finds, as far as possible, in chronological order.
1.
Upper right corner of a votive relief to Athena, with profiled ante and
ledge. Pentean Marble. Height of the remains 21cm, width 22cm. On the
left a cut parallel to the right edge, presumably from later use. One
recognizes the head and chest of Athena, who was standing in frontal
view, her head turned to the left, her right hand raised and her spear
supported, her left arm lowered. She wears the helmet and a narrow
aegis decorated with the Gorgoneion in the middle. The relief will
belong to the IV century BC.
2. The face of a beardless ideal
head made of coarse-grained marble (A.V. 148). The tip of the nose and
the forehead up to the left eye have broken away. Red paint was still
on his lips when he was found. Height from the bridge of the nose to
the chin 18 cm, greatest width as much. The type, more female than
male, belongs to the IVth century; the execution, good as it is, lacks
the freshness which one might expect from an original work of the
period.
Plate 10: Greek portait head dating from Hellenistic period, found in Dionysion in Athens.
The head is raised and
turns sharply to his left shoulder. The gaze is also directed upwards.
In the long, curly hair there was once a bandage or a wreath of metal,
as revealed by a groove running all around the head. The curls are
pushed back to both sides over the forehead and temples and are tucked
behind the bandage. The curls swell out in abundance behind the ears
and cover the nape of the neck. The hem of the robe is visible at the
back. The work is only laid out on the top of the head and behind.
There was red color in the curls and, where the hair had dripped off,
on the right temple.
A young man is depicted with a high
forehead protruding below and a thick, protruding nose, which is bent
just below the root. The long upper lip protrudes over the weak lower
lip and the soft and small chin is strongly pulled back. Even the
slight beginning of a double chin is noticeable. The eye has the moist,
languishing gaze of many Aphrodite heads. The narrowness of the
palpebral fissure, the tenderness of the lower lid, and the mildly
concave shape of the eyeball combine to create this impression. This
look, the energyless mouth, the weak chin give the face something
sensual, soft, almost feminine.
An identical or similar
portrait does not seem to exist in our collection of monuments. For the
time being, therefore, one will have to forgo knowing the name of the
sitter. Its time can be determined approximately. A youthful portrait
head in a pathetic pose, with long curly hair and a diadem or wreath
can hardly be anything other than the image of a Hellenistic prince.
The strange hairstyle may serve to delimit the time even more
precisely. It is consistently found only on coin images of princes
dating from the end of the 2nd or 1st century BC, e.g. in Trypho of
Syria (124-139), cf. Catal. of the British Museum, Seleucidae (p.283) plate 20, 1-3, in Mithradates VI Eupator (120-65), cf. Imhoof-Blumer, portrait heads on antique coins plate 5, 3. 4. 23, in Ariarathes IX (96-84) ibid. 25, in Pharnaces II (63-47) ibid. 5, Asandros (47-16) ibid. 6.
4. Fragment of a ‘ Neo-Attic ’ vase with a maenad of type 26 on plate 2 in Hauser’s Neo-Attic reliefs (A. V. 135). Height 32cm, width 16cm.
5.
Fragment of a spherical, fluted marble vase, decorated around the belly
with a plait, of the kind found at Ikaria, which was placed on a high
pillar (cf. American Journal of archeology
V p. 178, fig. 30). Height 30cm, width 33cm. It has not yet been
clarified whether these vessels served as grave decorations, as one
might infer from the remains of sarcophagi which have been unearthed
near that column, or whether they are perhaps characteristic of certain
cults.
6. Child's head of decorative, fleeting but skilful execution, with flat, curly hair and smiling mouth (A. V. 149). Height 17cm.
Fig.7: A) Bust of a Roman woman, from time of Trajan.
B) Small copy of the Parthenos of Phidias.
C) Small votive relief of woman leaning on pillar. All found at Sanctuary of Dionysos.
The
hair is brushed forward from the ears and arranged over the forehead in
a high toupee in the shape of a palmette. On the back of the head sits
a wreath of lichen, indicated schematically by zigzag lines. Exactly
the same wreath and a similar toupee are worn by Marciana, Trajan's
sister, and her daughter Matidia (cf. Bernoulli, Rom. Ikonographie
II, 2 plates 32 and 34; (p.284) coin plate 3,8-11. 12-14 ). The bust
also belongs to the Trajanic period because of its form (cf.
Bienkowski, Revue arch. XXVII, 1895, p. 294) and because of the work of the eyes, the iris of which has not yet been carved.
8.
Small copy of the Parthenos of Phidias (fig,7B), agreeing in all
essentials with the Varvakion statuette (A.V. 136). Head, forearms and
feet are missing. Height 28cm. The piece does not teach anything new.
One will not want to stress that on each side the inner of the two
shoulder curls curls up at the Agisrand, while at the Varvakion
statuette it falls on the chest. This will have preserved the real
thing. For the belt knot on the new specimen is apparently imprecisely
formed as a clumsy loop, while there it is formed into two snakes
meeting one another.
9. Small votive relief (fig.7C), on a
roughly hewn plate depicting a woman leaning with her left arm on a
pillar, wearing a high-belted chiton and a cloak wrapped around her
lower legs [A. V. 52b]. In her lowered right hand she appears to have
held a light object, perhaps a twig, indicated by colour. An
interpretation cannot be given if the attributes are missing. Height
23cm.
Finally I put together some of the inscriptions found in
the area of Dionysion. The remaining pieces of little importance will
find a place in the corpus of Attic inscriptions.
1. (p.285) The
oldest inscription is found on a base of bluish marble that was not
found in the old place. Length 55cm, width 50cm, height 25cm. The upper
edges are bevelled, in the top there is an incorporation for the votive
gift of 24 to 20cm. The two rear corners are roughly finished at an
angle. The front is marked with the inscription:
ΤΕΛΗΣΜΗΔΕΙΟΥ ... .τέλης Μηδείου
ΡΟπΟΙHΣΑΣ ίε]ροποιήσας.
Line 1 is missing 5-6 letters. Careful writing of the IV century BC.
2.
Rectangular block of Pentelic marble, well from a base, worked at the
bottom, smooth at the top, broken on the left, coarsely pointed on the
right. Length 37cm, height 22cm, depth 32cm.
Η T P I Ο Σ ΔηMήτριος.
3.
Two pieces of a slab of gray-blue mottled marble, 2cm thick. The
letters stand on pre-scribed lines and are filled in with red. Late
forms of writing.
a) Top and left complete. Height 10.5 cm,
width 14 cm. The left edge imitates the well-known form of Roman
inscription tablets with trapezoidal approaches by means of incised
lines. The base is decorated with a wreath with ribbons.
O C C ε Π A Λ
HPAKΛε0YCAI
AlΔεkAΔεCHIC
YΛIBATA1CIA'
K A 1 T Ο Y ~ 5
εEPMC
Λ
b) (p.286) Complete below only; Height 9cm, width 10cm.
J ε I C v N Ο Π Y Θ
W n e y c e b I h c e τ
YOlCZHNOCΓC
WΝΦΛΟΓίπε
At
a the lower tip of the trapezium is missing; assuming that it began
immediately below the break, the bottom line of b comes to lie level
with line 7 of a, i. H. the inscription had at least 7 lines, maybe
more.
Athens, March 1896.
HANS SCHRÄDER.
g.
Footnotes:
1. Cf. Photograph of the Athens Institute. buildings 69.
2.
Photographs of the Institute A(then) V(aria) 125-127. I continue to
give the numbers of the photographs available at the institute in
brackets for the individual pieces.
3. Arch. Anzeiger 1894 p. 26. To
complete the material, I refer to the Weihung νικο] στρίτη κο [υ] ροτρά
<ρ [ω] (έφη [j-ερις άρ) (_, 1884 p. 194.6) and Kern's remarks above
1893 p. 195.
4. Mr. A. Christomanos had the kindness to
examine the mass and found it to be almost pure plaster. Besides this,
it contains about a quarter of marble powder, and a very small quantity
of an organic substance, which was probably contained in the water with
which the plaster of Paris was mixed; This substance was not glue.
[Continue to part 2]
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